Jumat, 05 Februari 2016

Diplomatic Letters 1625-1812

17th and 18th-century Southeast Asia was a region of ‘Multiple Centres of Diplomacy’. Of all the thousands of diplomatic manuscripts (Malay: “Surat Emas”) with their own original seals exchanged between the various rulers, kings and sultans in the region, hardly any originals survive. Some original manuscripts still extant in scattered libraries around the world represent a high cultural value in terms of language and writing traditions, as well as material value. During the VOC period from the foundation of Jakarta (1619-1799), Batavia Castle was an active diplomatic centre in the Southeast Asian region and beyond. Thousands of incoming and outgoing letters from and to Asian rulers and dignitaries testify to the sheer volume of these exchanges of letters and gifts were, and how Europeans adapted themselves to Asian diplomatic customs and the system of gift exchanges.
The VOC Supreme Government in Batavia Castle received letters from Asian rulers on a weekly basis. Its Translation Department was busy making translations from letters in Javanese, Malay, Bugis, Chinese and Arab. Most of the letters were from Indonesian rulers. Diplomatic delegations from Banten or Ternate, or Siam or Tonkin were all received with the appropriate honour, protocol and ceremony. Diplomats were welcomed by high VOC officials on the quay of Sunda Kelapa harbour. The official welcomes over they were taken for a sightseeing trip through Batavia in horse-drawn carriages, passing along the most impressive streets and canals, and seeing the Town Hall (Stadhuis) and the imposing entrance gate of the Batavia Castle. Once received with the appropriate military salutes in Batavia Castle, the diplomats offered their monarch’s beautifully decorated, “Surat Emas” or “Golden Letter”. According to Asian diplomatic custom, the letters were offered to the Governor-General in a yellow-silk envelope on a silver plate. All “Surat Emas” were read aloud in the audience room in the original Asian languages used in their original composition be it Malay, Javanese, Buginese or Chinese.
After the formal ceremony of the public reading, the diplomatic letters were immediately sent to the Castle’s Translation Department to be rendered into Dutch, the resulting translations then being inserted in the Daily Journals. This is how the content of the individual letters has survived for posterity. Subsequently, the Dutch texts of the formal responses by the Supreme Government to the respective Asian rulers were also inserted in the Daily Journals.
Unfortunately, the originals of the beautifully decorated “Surat Emas” and other letters, were not preserved at Batavia Castle during the 17th and 18th centuries. The reason for this is unclear: the originals may have lost their value once they were translated t or they may simply have been discarded or were given as a perk to interested individuals who profited from their gold leaf and other rich decorations. Exactly the same situation is found in the English East India Company archives now kept in the India Office Records of the British Library, where there are almost no original Malay or other foreign original royal letters. Even in the various collections of “Raffles letters” there are hardly any originals . The small collections of original letters sent to the VOC or EIC, which have survived, are found in individual collections rather than institutional ones.
There are two major exceptions:
  1. Almost all the diplomatic correspondence in Malay – about 500 letters in all - which came to Batavia Castle during the 1790-1820 period, the era of transition from the VOC to the post-January 1818 Netherlands Indies state, is now kept in Leiden University Library and have been described in E.P. Wieringa (ed.), Catalogue of Malay and Minangkabau Manuscripts in the Library of Leiden University [...], Leiden University, 1998).
  2. In 1743-1744, Governor-General G.W. van Imhoff’s (in office, 1743-50) administrative reforms meant that diplomatic letters were no longer included in the Daily Journals of Batavia Castle. From 1750 onward they were archived seperately in the series of Incoming and Outgoing Missives from Indigenous (Asian) rulers. These letters are all translated in Dutch at that time. Only about one hundred original letters and their translations survive in ANRI from the late eighteenth century.
This website offers a complete entry to all translated incoming and outgoing diplomatic letters included in the Daily Journals of Batavia Castle and the series of Incoming and Outgoing Missives. The graphic overview shows that the amount of incoming letters was always larger than the amount of outgoing letters.
The VOC archives in the National Archives or Nationaal Archief in The Hague contain many copies of the incoming letters of Asian rulers. These letters are catalogued in the VOC databases of TANAP. Every one of the catalogued archives of the thirty-five former VOC establishments in Asia has a section called “correspondentie met inheemsen”, meaning correspondence with regional or local rulers and kings. Many letters found in the Daily Journals, can be found here as well. But the TANAP database offers more, namely a listing of the literally thousands of incoming and outgoing letters generated at the regional level, see http://databases.tanap.net/vocrecords/
The database of diplomatic letters provides both the rulers’ names and the geographical locations of both the senders and receivers.
The rulers are mentioned by the names and spelling given in the archives as well as by their currently accepted orthographs. It was often difficult to trace and verify all of them and many names are still in need of further research. Many of these rulers were known by names that included the titles and royal styles of their ancestors while they also kept using birth names or other names for different occasions, including the signing of letters. Many times these rulers were only known by their royal titles, while their birth names remain obscure or rarely used.
VOC clerks were often inconsistent or careless in the use of names and formal titles of the rulers, princes and other dignitaries to whom letters were addressed; or they used names which are today either untraceable in the archives or simply incorrect. Therefore, it may be very confusing to keep track of who is who. To improve the traceability of the rulers cited in these letters, most of the royal names and titles from the Daily Journals are given in modern spelling in the letter database. It is advisable to search in both the ruler names as well as the geographical locations to cover all relevant sources. Correspondents who changed their titles, and might thus have double entries, can still be traced geographically.

Report of Three Residents of about the Threat of Johorese War vessels in the Batang Hari River, 11 September 1714

Like other Malay kingdoms along the Straits of Melaka, such as Inderagiri, Palembang and Johor, Jambi claimed authority over groups of “sea-people” (Orang Laut) who made their living from fishing and collecting sea products. In Jambi the main Orang Laut settlement was Simpang at the mouth (kuala) of the Nior River, a tributary of the Batang Hari that led out to the Straits of Melaka. From this base the Orang Laut relayed news of maritime activities, guided ships upriver and patrolled the surrounding sea-lanes. They mobilized fleets in times of invasion, attacked enemy vessels, and under the ruler’s orders often harassed ships sailing to other ports in order to damage a rival’s trade. The Orang Laut were thus a key element in the Jambi economy and were essential for its security. In return, the ruler gave Orang Laut leaders prestigious titles and gifts (including women) and allowed them to keep part of any booty acquired during raiding expeditions. A traditional feature of all Orang Laut communities was their personal loyalty to the ruler they served.       
During the sixteenth century, Jambi had become famous for the pepper grown in its highlands, and in 1615 both the Dutch and English East India Companies established posts there.  At this time, Jambi was allied to Johor, but disputes occurred because both claimed control of Tungkal, a district on the border of Jambi and Inderagiri that gave access to interior pepper-growing areas.  Between 1671 and 1674, ongoing quarrels led to outright conflict.  Orang Laut, who served the ruler of Jambi, raided ships in Johor waters, while Orang Laut from Johor did the same in Jambi. Johor fleets even came right up the Batang Hari River and threatened the Jambi capital. Subsequently, relations improved and in 1681 the rulers of Jambi and Johor were still willing to form an alliance against their common rival Palembang. Orang Laut from both kingdoms attacked trading ships in Palembang waters and raided the coast.
In the late seventeenth century, the loyalty of Orang Laut in both places was tested. Jambi’s economy declined drastically because of falling pepper prices, and unrest was so widespread that in 1687 the Dutch banished the ruler and installed his son, Kiai Gede, as ruler.  However, a number of Orang Laut refused to transfer their allegiance to the unpopular new sultan, especially since the poor economy meant he could not reward them as previous rulers had done. Some even left Jambi to place themselves under the ruler of Inderagiri. Others remained because they believed that Kiai Gede was the rightful king and deserved their loyalty despite his shortcomings.
Meanwhile, Johor also faced problems. In 1699, when the ruler was assassinated by his nobles, several Orang Laut groups would not serve the new sultan (a leader in the regicide), saying they would rather be under the Sultan of Palembang. Yet large numbers of Orang Laut did stay with the new dynasty because they were able to benefit from Johor’s flourishing trade. This prosperity attracted ships to the new Johor capital on Bintan Island (near Singapore), which meant profits in VOC-controlled Melaka continue to decline. The sultan’s brother, the powerful Raja Muda,  also used the Orang Laut to dissuade or prevent ships from patronizing other ports along the Melaka Straits. These tactics led to considerable hostility between Johor and Dutch Melaka.
Conflict between Johor and Jambi erupted again in September 1714 when Kiai Gede tried to prevent the smuggling of Jambi pepper from the highlands down the Tungkal River to Johor because this deprived him of much-needed revenue. Although the court nobles did not like Kiai Gede, they and the Dutch resident Isaac Panhuys were concerned to hear reports of Johor boats downstream. Temenggong Mangkubumi, a leading noble, Pangeran Nattadiningrat (Kiai Gede’s son-in-law) and the Resident then sent five armed vessels downriver to investigate. It was discovered that Johor shipshad reached the Batang Hari River via Kuala Nior and also through a narrow river known as the “mosquito’s gap”. The Johorese tried to persuade the Jambi Orang Laut to desert with their families, telling them they would have a better life under the Johor ruler. When they were unsuccessful, they burnt Simpang, and captured a number of Orang Laut, They also attacked four Javanese ships and killed some of those aboard, sending a lesson that trading ships should patronize Johor, not Jambi.
This document demonstrates not only the importance of Orang Laut in the economic competition between Malay states, but also shows that the Orang Laut of Johor, like their rulers, felt able to challenge Dutch Melaka and even Batavia. On this occasion Johor’s threatened invasion of Jambi did not eventuate, and the rivalry between the two kingdoms faded following the Minangkabau conquest of Johor in 1718 and the death of Kiai Gede in 1719.  Though the Orang Laut continued to be economically important through the eighteenth century, their ties to the rulers of both Johor and Jambi declined because their role in security and defense was assumed by the Bugis and Makassar migrants to the Malay world.
  • Barbara Watson Andaya, To Live as Brothers. Southeast Sumatra in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu, 1993.
Barbara Watson Andaya, “Report of three residents of Jambi about the threat of Johorese war vessels in the Batang Hari River, 11 September 1714”. In: Harta Karun. Hidden Treasures on Indonesian and Asian-European History from the VOC Archives in Jakarta, document 10. Jakarta: Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia, 2013.

The Maritime World

The Maritime World of the traditional Nusantara included the coastal Javanese, the Madurese, Balinese, Malay, Buginese and other ethnic groups or Orang Laut who dominated the archipelagic seas. Their presence is reflected in many archival documents. Different boat types such as the sampan, perahu, pencalang, gonting and paduakan ventured out to different ports in an age-old system of trading networks.

War vessels like the lancaran, the Arabo-Persian ghurab and ghali (a galley which could be 150 feet long) reflect Ottoman naval influences, particularly in Aceh. Although these ships could pose a serious threat to European ships, the traditional ports and trading networks of the Nusantara fell increasingly under the influence of European maritime trade and naval power from the mid-sixteenth century (the Portuguese) and from the early seventeenth century (English, Dutch, and French). This power was exercised through the presence of heavily armed ships and patrol vessels like the challop in the Sunda and Melaka Straits. The growth of Chinese shipping after 1684 also shaped maritime trading patterns and ways of transporting goods and people. Many traditional Asian maritime patterns and activities persisted, while others were simply transformed. This section brings us into contact with Asian shipping, cargoes, crews and voyages. Here we are in search for the mualim (steersmen, pilots) and nakhoda (ship’s captains), and the syahbandars(harbourmasters) and laksamana (admirals).

The Malay and Indonesian World

Between 1450 and 1680 this part of Island Southeast Asia, also called ‘the Lands below the Winds’, experienced the rise of Islamic States. This development commenced in port towns and early sultanates of north coast Java, like Demak and Cirebon, as well as Aceh in Sumatra and Melaka in the Malay Peninsula. This period is also called ‘the Age of Commerce’ owing to the connection of the region to a growing network of globalised maritime trade.
During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, kingdoms like Mataram, Aceh, Melaka, Makasar, Banten and Mataram rose and fell. During this period, Malay emerged as the most important language of trade and religion (Islam). the sixteenth-century sultanate of Melaka being the first example of such a Malayanised kingdom in the early modern period.
The eighteenth century, which might be said to begin somewhat earlier at the end of ‘Age of Commerce’ around 1680, is best seen as a separate historical category. Historical developments in this ‘long’ eighteenth century (1680-1800) reveal their own specific characteristics.
In the early eighteenth century, the production of coffee was first developed in Priangan in West Java thus binding the region ever more closely to the world market. Central Java experienced a number of wars of succession and conflicts over territory and power. In its efforts to control Java’s north coast ports, the Dutch East India Company became ever more deeply embroiled in the various struggles for hegemony in Java. Java was the exception to the rule among the regions of the Malay-Indonesian world. Many other regions such as Johor and Siak, and the dozens of tiny kingdoms in Sulawesi and Bali, as well as the turbulent East Javanese kingdom of Balambangan, remained fairly autonomous throughout the eighteenth century. Although traditional power centres like Ternate and Makassar had fallen into the hands of the VOC, this did not mean that the Dutch controlled the whole of Sulawesi or Maluku.
Older peripheries emerged as new centres. Buginese, Mandarese and Makasarese maritime traders expanded their own networks and settlements along the coasts of Kalimantan, Riau-Johor and Sulawesi generating a lively exchange of goods, ideas and culture across the borderless Melaka Straits, Sunda Shelf and Java Sea. This ‘long’ but complex eighteenth century can be said to have ended on 1 January 1800, when the VOC was wound up and the ‘Dutch’ East Indies (Indonesia) officially passed into the hands of the Netherlands government. After 1800, particularly after the arrival of Governor-General Herman Willem Daendels in January 1808, Dutch – Indonesian relations changed fundamentally.
Looking at ANRI’s early modern collections, one might be tempted to conclude that almost nothing has survived of the inter-insular correspondence between Southeast Asian rulers, traders and men of religion. But this would be wrong. The VOC archive provides information on certain facts and events mentioned in the official histories or court classics such as the Javanese Babad Tanah Jawi (History of the Land of Java) and the Malay hikayat which are first and foremost literary and cultural (genealogical) manuscripts. Unquestionably the archive’s chief limitation is the one-sided contemporaneous European selection of facts and observation of events. These are inevitably affected by the specific interests of the document writers. The challenge is to analyse these documents from a non-European, Indonesian and regional Asian perspective. Fortunately, the Daily Journals of Batavia Castle also include hundreds of letters of Southeast Asian origin. These were delivered by special couriers who operated in an advanced system of information exchange. From the perspective of placing the Malay and Indonesian region at the strategic centre of maritime Southeast Asia, the Harta Karun collection is essential.

Story about Silebar and Bengkulu and the activities of the English there, 28 January 1696

Introduced Jeyamalar Kathirithamby-Wells
Jeyamalar Kathirithamby-Wells, “Report from the Minister of Banten Tsiely Godong and former translator of the English Harkis Baly concerning the English presence in Silebar and Bengkulu, West-Sumatra, 1696”. In: Harta Karun. Hidden Treasures on Indonesian and Asian-European History from the VOC Archives in Jakarta, document 12. Jakarta: Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia, 2013.
 By Jeyamalar Kathirithamby-Welss
By the mid-sixteenth century, Bengkulu joined the rest of the west coast of Sumatra as a major exporter of pepper attracting the ambitions of the neighbouring state of Banten across the Sunda Straits. With the aim of augmenting its own pepper supplies, historians presume that Banten gained access to Sumatran pepper when Sultan Hasanuddin (r. 1552-70) married the daughter of the ruler of Inderapura, receiving as dowry all the coastal areas to the south. Subsequently, Tuan Pati Bangun Negara and Bangsa Radin, chiefs respectively of the Redjang-Lebong and Lemba of Sungai Lemau and Silebar, received the title of pangeran(prince, governor) from the Sultan of Banten. This is recorded by some copper plates dating back from 1668 (A.H. 1079).[1] Their empowerment was aimed, evidently, at securing their cooperation to boost Banten’s pepper supplies.
Years of Anglo-Dutch rivalry in Banten over the pepper deals with the local rulers culminated during an internal Bantenese power struggle in 1682. The outcome led to the withdrawal of the English East India Company from its factory there. Consequentely, the British had to search for an alternative access to the pepper market in Sumatra. Pre-empted by the VOC in Pariaman (north of Padang), the English East India Company turned to Bengkulu. Here, in July 1685, the Company signed a treaty with the pangeran of Sungai Lemau and Sungai Itam, gaining exclusive delivery of pepper at a fixed price of 12 dollars per bahar (fixed, later, at 560 pounds) and land for a settlement, upon which they raised the robust Fort Marlborough, which survives to this day.[2]
Though the Dutch in Banten – no less than the British in Bengkulu – were keen on avoiding hostilities, they had much to profit from a successful Bantenese challenge to British access to the pepper fields of west Sumatra. Thus, in December of 1685, prompted by the VOC to dislodge the British, Sultan Abu Nasr Abdul Kahar (r. 1682-7) sent to Silebar a 2-300 strong force conveyed by a Dutch fleet under the command of a jenang(representative/ambassador), Karia Sutra Gistra. The British position was saved by a combination of factors, principally, the pangerans’ flight to the hinterland; the outbreak of disease among the invading forces; and the lack of Dutch reinforcements which compelled the Bantenese withdrawal.[3] This left the British free to conclude a treaty with another local ruler, the pangeran of Silebar, who controlled the only safe anchorage for ships visiting the West Sumatran coast, at Pulau Bay.
Though in 1688 the British successfully expelled the Bantenese from collecting pepper at Silebar, Banten did not relinquish hopes of pressing its claim over the area. Hence, menteri Tsiliey Godong was commissioned in 1696 by Pangeran Kesatrian to investigate the state of affairs in Bengkulu. The report he wrote on returning to Banten was in cooperation with Harkis Baly, a resident of Bengkulu and former interpreter for the British who was in Banten on a private visit. The historical validity of the report, favourable to advancing Banten’s claim, may be evaluated with the benefit of local British reports.
The price paid for pepper by the British was indeed 12 Spanish dollars per bahar as Tsiliey Godong reported; but the ‘toll’ referred to was the commission of 1 dollar per bahar payable to the pangeran on pepper delivered by areas under their respective jurisdiction. It was in lieu of their now-relinquished right to impose hasil (export duty), a distinct feature of their customary authority, exercised for preferential or monopoly control over trade. The pangeran of Selibar was understandably reluctant to renounce a lucrative source of income derived from Silebar’s pre-eminence as the main centre for the export of southwest Sumatran pepper. The East India Company granted in a written settlement to him a compensatory annuity of only 400 Spanish dollars.[4] In addition to hereby securing transfer of the pangeran’s control over the pepper trade, the Company proceeded to impose port duties allowing him no share in the revenue.
The trade arrangements between the East India Company and Sumatran leaders appear to have weighed heavily in favour of the British, leaving shortfalls in local expectations, which the report represented as a loophole Banten might well exploit to assert its influence. The fact remained, however, that the British contracted a higher price in Spanish dollars for pepper,[5] compared to payments offered, often in rice and provisions by Chinese, Javanese and other traders, including those licensed by the ruler of Banten. Additionally, British presence promised security and stability, not guaranteed by the customary visit of Banten’s jenang(representative) every 2-3 years, essentially to make new appointments and claim taxes and tribute.[6]
The perceived injustices of the British in their dealings with the pangeran, portrayed in Tsiely Godong’sreport, supported Banten’s bid to expel the British, if necessary by force. Hence, close and accurate information on the layout of the British defences, including details of the fortification, were crucial and who better to provide such intelligence than Harkis Baly. However, it would appear that Dutch reluctance to offer military aid for fear of umbrage with the British ruled out renewed aggression. Instead, in response to the subsequent contracts the British made with Manna and Krue – areas to the south of Bengkulu – Sultan Mahassin Zainal Abidin (r. 1690-1733) tried a strategy of negotiation for asserting his claims. On the basis of intelligence brought to Banten by two Sumatrans, ‘Raja Tonkas and Malla’, a jenang was dispatched in 1729 to return the men and install them as local heads. On the same occasion, the jenang conveyed a letter from the Sultan offering the British the coast from Manna to Nassal (north of Krue), with full powers to administer the region, upon payment of 10,000 Spanish dollars. In response, the British returned the ambassador with a promise to refer the matter to the Directors and let the matter rest.[7]
Caution over extending British influence further south towards Krue soon changed given the repeated invitations for trade and settlement received from local chiefs, Banten’s weak control in the region and the absence of any Dutch claims in the area. But, above all, it was feared that British inaction would merely encourage Banten’s claims to the entire coast up to the borders of Inderapura. In 1742 the British occupied Pulau Pisang, an important southern point for pepper collection, but only some four year later did Banten stage a protest. The rumoured attack by the Bantenese Radin was followed by a letter from Sultan Arifin (r. 1733-48) threatening to appeal to the Dutch should the British fail to withdraw immediately. Returning the stock ‘civil answer’ that the matter would be referred to Europe,[8] the British successfully bought time which, in the event, saw the eruption of trouble in Banten, fanned by the political intrigues of the ruler’s wife, Ratu Sharifa Fatima, which culminated in the Banten Rebellion of 1751-52. [9]
By the time Banten entered Dutch vassalage in 1752, the proliferation of private trade involving Malay, Chinese, Buginese and European participation undermined the VOC’s claims over Banten’s major source of pepper from Lampung. Much of it entered British hands removing the need for further British expansion. By 1763, a stone planted by the VOC at Flat Point (Vlakke Hoek) in Semanka Bay firmed up the boundary between the two rival European powers, fulfilling their mutual desire to avoid conflict.[10] Semangka, which entered British hands during the Fourth Anglo-Dutch War (1780-84), was duly reoccupied in 1785. The exchange of the British Sumatran territories for Melaka, under the Anglo-Dutch treaty of 1824, finally settled contending claims over Bengkulu paving the way for its ultimate integration into modern Indonesia.

[1] J. Kathirithamby-Wells, The British West Sumatran Presidency (1760-85), Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1977, 21. For the respective interests of Banten, the British and the Dutch in Bengkulu see P. Wink, ‘Eenige Archief stukken betreffende de vestiging van de Engelsche factorij te Benkoelen in 1685’, TBG, 64 (1924): 461-3.
[2] Ibid., pp. 5-6; John Bastin, The British in West Sumatra (1685-1825), Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1965, xii-xvi, 1-12; British Library, India Office Records: East India Company Factory Records, Sumatra Factory Records, Vol. 2 (1685-1692), 6 Nov. 1686. For the text of the treaty, see H. Dodwell, Records of Fort St. George. Letters from Fort St. George for 1688, Madras: Government Press, 1919, vol. 3, 3 July 1685, 205-7.
[3] Bastin, The British in West Sumatra, 17, 20-6; Sumatran Factory Records, vol. 2, Benjamin Bloom to Karia Sutra Gistra, ? Jan. 1985.
[4] Bastin, The British in West Sumatra, 4, 37-8; Kathirithamby-Wells, The West Sumatran Presidency, 32.
[5] During the early years, when payment for pepper was offered in cloth and copper coins to meet the shortage in Spanish dollars, the Sumatrans showed their discontent by smuggling produce to other buyers, compelling the Bengkulu administration to establish silver as the linchpin of its monopoly.
[6] For Banten’s commercial relations with Silebar in the pre-British period see See J. Kathirithamby-Wells, ‘Banten: A West Indonesian Port and Polity’, in J. Kathirithamby-Wells and John Villiers, The Southeast Asian Port and Polity: Rise and Demise, Singapore: Singapore University Press, 1990, 116-17.
[7] Sumatra Factory Records, Vol. 8, 30 Oct. 1729.
[8] Sumatra Factory Records, Vol. 9, 28 July 1742.
[9] For an account of these events see Ota Atsushi, Changes of Regime and Social Dynamics in West Java: Society, State and the Outer World of Banten, 1750-1830, Leiden: Brill, 2006, 59-74.
[10] Kathirithamby-Wells, The West Sumatran Presidency, 139-40.

Jeyamalar Kathirithamby-Wells, “Report from the Minister of Banten Tsiely Godong and former translator of the English Harkis Baly concerning the English presence in Silebar and Bengkulu, West-Sumatra, 1696”. In: Harta Karun. Hidden Treasures on Indonesian and Asian-European History from the VOC Archives in Jakarta, document 12. Jakarta: Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia, 2013.

Sourse: https://sejarah-nusantara.anri.go.id/hartakarun/item/12/

Relaas over Silebar en Benkulen en de activiteiten van de Engelsen aldaar, 28 januari 1696.

Relaas gedaen door den mantry des Sultans van Bantam genaamt ’t Siliely Godong en Harkis Baly, gewesen tolck der Engelsen op Bankahoelo en tot nog een inwoonder aldaer, wegens de constitutie van Sillebaer etc., sijnde de eerstgenoemde naer verrigting sijner meesters beveelen den Pangerang Cassatrian op den 17e january anno 1696 van daar geretourneert ende de andere om sijn eigen affaires hier gekomen, dog ieder in ’t bijsonder ondervraegt en sodanig gelijck volgt verhaalt.

Dat Sillebaer en Bankahoelo in gelijke forma leggen als Bantam en Pontang, excepta dat voor de bay van Sillebaer geen eylanden sijn, maar wel voor Bankahoelo alwaer twee [49] eylanden haer vertoonen, bijna in de gedaente van de twee poele madis voor Pontang, dog geheel onsuyver wegens de klippen die bij en omtrent die eylantjes leggen, om welcke oorsaken geen schepen haer omtrent die plaatse kunnen vertrouwen, maer nemen haar verblijff op de rheede van Sillebaer waer sij oock niet langer dan vier maanden om de harde winden en leger wal sig kunnen verseekeren, in welke tijd sij haer van een lading peper versien, en daer mede van daer begeven.
Wat nu de quantiteyt der wegvoering van dien corl jaerlijx betreft, werd aldaer geschat op ongevaer twee middelbare scheepsladingen, hoewel alle jaren twee â drie en somwijlen vier bodems, soo kleyn als groot, aldaer komen en met peper weder vertrecken, betalenden voor ider bhaer aan de inlanderen twaelf Spaance realen, dog weten haer voordeel integendeel seer wel waer te nemen, soo in de vergrooting van ’t gewigt, als van ieder bhaer voor thol een reael, van wien ook de regerende Pangerang een gelijcke reael voor sijn portie ontfangt, soodat de peperaanbrengers niet meer dan thien realen voor ieder bhaer genieten buyten die tollen waervan de Pangerang een gelijke deel heeft, trecken de Engelse van alle andere uytvoerende en inkomende goederen de tollen alleen, sonder aan den Pangerang van die plaats iets daarvan te geven, om welke onregtmatigheden den Pangerang te onvrede geweest is, dog de Engelsen hebben hem eensdeels door haer verkregen ontsag, en ten anderen met een jaerlijxse gift van vierhondert reaelen wat tevreden gestelt, onder een stipt bevel dat sij Pangerang off iemant van de Sillebaresen geen de minste peper aan eenige natiën souw mogen verhandelen, off uyt het land laeten voeren als alleen door haer, waerover de inlanderen soo groot als kleene, alsoock omdat de Engelsen een souveraine heerschappij in andere voorvallen meest over dien [50] lantaart voeren, en aanmatigen, geweldig murmureren en wensten den meesten hoop dat het Engels juck door den Sultan van Bantam van den hals mogt geschut werden, als sijnde selfs daertoe onvermogens.
Dat de Engelsen op Bankahoelo op een heuveltje een fortresje hebben die een plaats bijna de helft kleender als den omtreck van Speelwijk, en met dertig ijsere stucken belegt, alsoock bemant met ongeveer veertig Engelsen, waeronder de commandeur, verdere gequalificeerde, twee overgelope Hollanders van Padang, en ses off agt Engelse jongens die om het klimaat van Sillebaer te gewennen derwaerts gesonden, mitsgaders veertig Boegisen, en hondert stux soo Mallebaren als kaffers, benevens een Hollander genaemt Willem die van Batavia met een Engelse chialoep gesiapeert is, en sig aldaer onthout en als tolck ageert, dat het fortresje jegenwoordig maer aan twee sijden met een muur oost en westwaerts is versien, en de andere van zuyt en noort, van aaneengevoegde plancken, dog jegenwoordig besig sijnde om die oock met steenen als de andere te bemantelen; dat de muur van twee gebacke steenen dick is, en omtrent 10 voeten hoog; dat de stucken op de vaste gront staen, en datter schietgaten in de muur sijn voor de stucken, soowel in de gordijnen als in de puntjes; dat se een hoog packhuys maken waer mede stucken op sullen staan; dat se een put binnen hebben die goet water geeft dog die niet gebruyken; dat het fortresje omtrent een roerschoot van de zeekant leyt, dog wanneer den Sultan van Bantam haer wilde te hulp komen, sagen zij genoegsaam kans om de Engelse van daer te drijven, waermede sij haer relaas met betuyginge van de opregte waerheyt gesproken te hebben, eyndigen.

Laporan tentang Silebar dan Bengkulu serta kegiatan orang-orang Inggris di tempat-tempat tersebut, 28 Januari 1696.
Laporan yang dibuat oleh mantri Sultan Banten bernama Siliely Godong dan Harkis Baly, mantan penerjemah untuk orang-orang Inggris di Bankakoelo dan sekarang masih tinggal di tempat itu sebagai seorang penduduk biasa berdasarkian undang-undang Silebar dsb, dan yang tersebut pertam, sesudah melaksanakan perintah majikannya Pangeran Cassatrian, pada tanggal 17 Januari 1696 telah kembali ke tempat itu, dan yang seoorang lagi sudah tiba di sini untuk urusannya sendiri, namun masing-masing telah ditanyai dan memberikan serta menyampaikan hal-hal seperti berikut ini.

Bahwa letak Sillebaer dan Bankahoelo sama seperti letak Banten dan Pontang, kecuali bahwa di depan teluk Sillebaer tidak terdapat pulau-pulau, tetapi di depan Bankahoelo nampak ada dua [49] pulau, yang bentuknya mirip dengan dua pulau madis yang ada di depan Pontang, namun tidak sama benar karena terdapat batu-batu karang di sekitar pulau-pulau tersebut, yang menyebabkan tidak ada kapal yang bersedia berlayar di sekitarnya tetapi memilih untuk membuang sauh di dermaga Sillebaer dan di tempat itu pun mereka tidak dapat tinggal lebih dari empat bulan untuk menghindari tiupan angin yang kencang dan tepi daratan yang rendah, dan selama waktu itulah mereka harus melakukan bongkar-muat lada lalu pergi dari tempat itu.
            Mengenai besaran biji-biji lada yang diangkut setiap tahunnya, diperkirakan berjumlah sekitar dua muatan kapal berukuran sedang, kendati selama bertahun-tahun ada dua hingga tiga, dan terkadang empat kapal, baik kecil ataupun besar, yang singgah di sana dan kemudian berlayar pergi dengan mengangkut muatan lada, dan membayar dua belas real Spanyol untuk setiap muatan kepada penduduk pribumi, akan tetapi mereka masih mampu mengambil keuntungan yang memadai dengan memperberat timbangan muatan dan juga dengan memungut pajak satu real untuk setiap bahara (bhaer), dan Pangeran yang memerintah juga memperoleh bagiannya, sehingga mereka yang memasok lada menerima tidak lebih dari sepuluh real untuk setiap bahara. Di atas semua pajak yang Pangeran juga menerima bagiannya itu, orang-orang Inggri masih jugas memungut pajak atas semua barang yang keluar dan masuk, tanpa memberi apa-apa kepada Pangeran setempat, sehingga menyebabkan Pangeran tidak puas dengan penyimpangan tersebut, akan tetapi orang-orang Inggris telah dapat mengambil hati Pangeran dengan kewibawaan mereka dan dengan memberikan hadiah tahunan bernilai empat ratus real, disertai perintah ketat kepada Pangeran atau orang-orang Sillebar bahwa mereka tidak diperbolehkan memperdagangkan atau pun mengangkut keluar lada sedikit pun, kcuali kepada orang-orang Inggris dan orang-orang Inggris itu juga memiliki kekuasaan dalam hal-hal lain terhadap suku-suku [50] tersebut, dan mereka mengaku-ngaku berkuasa sehingga penduduk pribumi, yang berkedudukan tinggi maupun rendah, merasa sangat tidak puas dan sebagian besar dari mereka berharap agar penindasan oleh Inggris itu dapat dienyahkan oleh Sultan Banten, karena mereka sendiri tidak mampu berbuat demikian.     
            Bahwa orang-orang Inggris mendirikan sebuah benteng kecil atau kubu di atas bukit yang luas lapangan di dalamnya hampir separuh dari luas lapangan demikian di benteng Speelwijk. Benteng kecil itu dilengkapi dengan tiga puluh meriam besi dan dijaga oleh sekitar empat puluh serdadu Inggris, di antaranya seorang komandan, dan selanjutnya dua orang Belanda yang telah membelot dari Padang, lalu ada enam atau delapan laki-laki remaja Inggris yang dikirim ke tempat itu untuk menyesuaikan diri mereka dengan iklim di Sillebaer, dan empat puluh orang Bugis dan sekitar seratus orang Mallabar dan budak termasuk seorang Belanda bernama Willem yang telah memiliki surat izin, dan tiba di sana dengan menggunakan sebuah perahu jenis sialup Inggris dan tinggal di sana serta bertindak sebagai penerjemah; bahwa dewasa ini kubu tersebut hanya memiliki tembok di dua sisinya sebelah timur dan barat, dan sisi-sisi selatan dan utara hanya diberi papan-papan, tetapi sekarang ini di sekeliling kedua sisi tersebut juga sedang dibangun tembok batu seperti sisi-sisi lainnya; bahwa tebal tembok kubu dua batu bata dan tingginya sekitar 10 kaki; bahwa meriam-meriam diletakkan secara permanen di atas lantai dan bahwa terdapat lubang-lubang tembak di tembok di depan meriam-meriam itu dan juga di tembok tirai kubu serta di sudut-sudut bastion; bahwa mereka membangun sebuah gudang yang tinggi yang di atasnya akan diletakkan meriam-meriam; bahwa di dalam kubu terdapat sebuah sumur yang berisi air yang baik tetapi mereka tidak memanfaatkannya; bahwa kubu itu terletak sekitar satu tembakan meriam dari sisi laut, namun apabila Sultan Banten bersedia memberi bantuan kepada mereka, maka mereka akan dapat menghalau orang-orang Inggris dari tempat itu, dan dengan itu mereka mengakhiri laporannnya dengan menyatakan bahwa telah mengatakan yang sebenarnya.

Dutch East Indies

The Dutch East Indies (or Netherlands East IndiesDutchNederlands-IndiëIndonesianHindia Belanda) was a Dutch colony that became modern Indonesia following World War II. It was formed from the nationalised colonies of the Dutch East India Company, which came under the administration of the Dutch government in 1800.
During the 19th century, Dutch possessions and hegemony were expanded, reaching their greatest territorial extent in the early 20th century. This colony which later formed modern-day Indonesia was one of the most valuable European colonies under the Dutch Empire's rule,[3] and contributed to Dutch global prominence in spice and cash crop trade in the 19th to early 20th century.[4] The colonial social order was based on rigid racial and social structures with a Dutch elite living separate from but linked to their native subjects.[5] The term Indonesia came into use for the geographical location after 1880. In the early 20th century, local intellectuals began developing the concept of Indonesia as a nation state, and set the stage for an independence movement.[6]
Japan's World War II occupation dismantled much of the Dutch colonial state and economy. Following the Japanese surrender in August 1945, Indonesian nationalists declared independence which they fought to secure during the subsequent Indonesian National Revolution. The Netherlands formally recognised Indonesian sovereignty at the 1949Dutch–Indonesian Round Table Conference with the exception of the Netherlands New Guinea (Western New Guinea), which was ceded to Indonesia in 1963 under the provisions of the New York Agreement.


The word Indies comes from LatinIndus. The original name Dutch Indies (DutchNederlandsch-Indië) was translated by the English as the Dutch East Indies, to keep it distinct from the Dutch West Indies. The name Dutch Indies is recorded in the Dutch East India Company's documents of the early 1620s.[7]
Scholars writing in English use the terms IndiëIndies, the Dutch East Indies, the Netherlands Indies, and colonial Indonesia interchangeably.[8]


Company rule

The map of the world showing the Western colonial power possessions, the Dutch East Indies possessions can be seen in orange colour in theSoutheast Asia region.
Centuries before Europeans arrived, the Indonesian archipelago supported various states, including commercially oriented coastal trading states and inland agrarian states.[9] The first Europeans to arrive were the Portuguese in the late 15th century. Following disruption of Dutch access to spices in Europe,[10] the first Dutch expedition set sail for the East Indies in 1595 to access spices directly from Asia. When it made a 400% profit on its return, other Dutch expeditions soon followed. Recognising the potential of the East Indies trade, the Dutch government amalgamated the competing companies into the United East India Company (VOC).[10]
The VOC was granted a charter to wage war, build fortresses, and make treaties across Asia.[10] A capital was established in Batavia(now Jakarta), which became the centre of the VOC's Asian trading network.[11] To their original monopolies on nutmegpeppers,cloves and cinnamon, the company and later colonial administrations introduced non-indigenous cash crops like coffeeteacacao,tobaccorubbersugar and opium, and safeguarded their commercial interests by taking over surrounding territory.[11] Smuggling, the ongoing expense of war, corruption, and mismanagement led to bankruptcy by the end of the 18th century. The company was formally dissolved in 1800 and its colonial possessions in the Indonesian archipelago (including much of Java, parts of Sumatra, much of Maluku, and the hinterlands of ports such as MakasarManado, and Kupang) were nationalised under the Dutch Republic as the Dutch East Indies.[12]

Dutch conquests

From the arrival of the first Dutch ships in the late 16th century, to the declaration of independence in 1945, Dutch control over the Indonesian archipelago was always tenuous.[13] Although Java was dominated by the Dutch,[14] many areas remained independent throughout much of this time, including AcehBaliLombok and Borneo.[13] There were numerous wars and disturbances across the archipelago as various indigenous groups resisted efforts to establish a Dutch hegemony, which weakened Dutch control and tied up its military forces.[15] Piracy remained a problem until the mid-19th century.[13]Finally in the early 20th century, imperial dominance was extended across what was to become the territory of modern-day Indonesia.
The submission of Prince Diponegoro to General De Kock at the end of the Java War in 1830, paintingby Nicolaas Pieneman
In 1806, with the Netherlands under French domination, Napoleon appointed his brother Louis Bonaparte to the Dutch throne, which led to the 1808 appointment ofMarshall Herman Willem Daendels as Governor General of the Dutch East Indies.[16] In 1811, British forces occupied several Dutch East Indies ports including Java and Thomas Stamford Raffles became Lieutenant Governor. Dutch control was restored in 1816.[17] Under the 1824 Anglo-Dutch Treaty, the Dutch secured British settlements such as Bengkulu in Sumatra, in exchange for ceding control of their possessions in the Malay Peninsula and Dutch India. The resulting borders between British and Dutch possessions remain between Malaysia and Indonesia.
Since the establishment of the VOC in the 17th century, the expansion of Dutch territory had been a business matter. Graaf van den Bosch's Governor-generalship (1830–1835) confirmed profitability as the foundation of official policy, restricting its attention to Java, Sumatra and Bangka.[18] However, from about 1840, Dutch national expansionism saw them wage a series of wars to enlarge and consolidate their possessions in the outer islands.[19] Motivations included: the protection of areas already held; the intervention of Dutch officials ambitious for glory or promotion; and to establish Dutch claims throughout the archipelago to prevent intervention from other Western powers during the European push for colonial possessions.[18] As exploitation of Indonesian resources expanded off Java, most of the outer islands came under direct Dutch government control or influence.
The Dutch 7th Battalion advancing in Bali in 1846.
The Dutch subjugated the Minangkabau of Sumatra in the Padri War (1821–38)[20] and the Java War (1825–30) ended significant Javanese resistance.[21] The Banjarmasin War (1859–1863) in southeast Kalimantan resulted in the defeat of the Sultan.[22] After failed expeditions to conquer Bali in 1846 and 1848, an 1849 intervention brought northern Bali under Dutch control. The most prolonged military expedition was the Aceh War in which a Dutch invasion in 1873 was met with indigenous guerrilla resistance and ended with an Acehnese surrender in 1912.[21] Disturbances continued to break out on both Java and Sumatra during the remainder of the 19th century.[13] However, the island of Lombok came under Dutch control in 1894,[23] and Batak resistance in northern Sumatra was quashed in 1895.[21] Towards the end of the 19th century, the balance of military power shifted towards the industrialising Dutch and against pre-industrial independent indigenous Indonesian polities as the technology gap widened.[18] Military leaders and Dutch politicians believed they had a moral duty to free the native Indonesian peoples from indigenous rulers who were considered oppressive, backward, or disrespectful of international law.[24]
Although Indonesian rebellions broke out, direct colonial rule was extended throughout the rest of the archipelago from 1901 to 1910 and control taken from the remaining independent local rulers.[25] Southwestern Sulawesi was occupied in 1905–06, the island of Bali was subjugated with military conquests in 1906and 1908, as were the remaining independent kingdoms in Maluku, Sumatra, Kalimantan, and Nusa Tenggara.[21][24] Other rulers including the Sultans of Tidore in Maluku,Pontianak (Kalimantan), and Palembang in Sumatra, requested Dutch protection from independent neighbours thereby avoiding Dutch military conquest and were able to negotiate better conditions under colonial rule.[24] The Bird's Head Peninsula (Western New Guinea), was brought under Dutch administration in 1920. This final territorial range would form the territory of the Republic of Indonesia.

World War II and independence

The Netherlands, Britain and the United States tried to defend the colony from the Japanese as it moved south in late 1941 in search of Dutch oil.[26][27] On 10 January 1942, during the Dutch East Indies Campaign, Japanese forces invaded the Dutch East Indies as part of the Pacific War.[28] The rubber plantations and oil fields of the Dutch East Indies were considered crucial for the Japanese war effort.[citation needed] Allied forces were quickly overwhelmed by the Japanese and on 8 March 1942 the Royal Dutch East Indies Armysurrendered in Java.[29][30]
Fuelled by the Japanese Light of Asia war propaganda[31] and the Indonesian National Awakening, a vast majority of the indigenous Dutch East Indies population first welcomed the Japanese as liberators from the colonial Dutch empire, but this sentiment quickly changed as the occupation turned out to be far more oppressive and ruinous than the Dutch colonial government.[32][33] The Japanese occupation during World War II brought about the fall of the colonial state in Indonesia,[34] as the Japanese removed as much of the Dutch government structure as they could, replacing it with their own regime.[35] Although the top positions were held by the Japanese, the internment of all Dutch citizens meant that Indonesians filled many leadership and administrative positions. In contrast to Dutch repression of Indonesian nationalism, the Japanese allowed indigenous leaders to forge links amongst the masses, and they trained and armed the younger generations.[36]
According to a UN report, four million people died in Indonesia as a result of the Japanese occupation.[37] Following the Japanese surrender in August 1945, nationalist leadersSukarno and Mohammad Hatta declared Indonesian independence. A four and a half-year struggle followed as the Dutch tried to re-establish their colony; although Dutch forces re-occupied most of Indonesia's territory a guerilla struggle ensued, and the majority of Indonesians, and ultimately international opinion, favoured Indonesian independence. In December 1949, the Netherlands formally recognised Indonesian sovereignty with the exception of the Netherlands New Guinea (Western New Guinea). Sukarno's government campaigned for Indonesian control of the territory, and with pressure from the United States, the Netherlands agreed to the New York Agreement which ceded the territory to Indonesian administration in May 1963.

Economic history

Workers pose at the site of a railway tunnel under construction in the mountains, 1910.
The economic history of the colony was closely related to the economic health of the mother country.[38] Despite increasing returns from the Dutch system of land tax, Dutch finances had been severely affected by the cost of the Java War and the Padri War, and the Dutch loss of Belgium in 1830 brought the Netherlands to the brink of bankruptcy. In 1830, a new Governor-GeneralJohannes van den Bosch, was appointed to make the Indies pay their way through Dutch exploitation of its resources. With the Dutch achieving political domination throughout Java for the first time in 1830,[39] it was possible to introduce an agricultural policy of government-controlled forced cultivation. Termed cultuurstelsel (cultivation system) in Dutch and tanam paksa (forced plantation) in Indonesian, farmers were required to deliver, as a form of tax, fixed amounts of specified crops, such as sugar or coffee.[40] Much of Java became a Dutch plantation and revenue rose continually through the 19th century which were reinvested into the Netherlands to save it from bankruptcy.[13][40] Between 1830 and 1870, 1 billion guilders were taken from Indonesia, on average making 25 per cent of the annual Dutch Government budget.[41] The Cultivation System, however, brought much economic hardship to Javanese peasants, who suffered famine and epidemics in the 1840s.[13]
Map of the Dutch East Indies in 1818
Critical public opinion in the Netherlands led to much of the Cultivation System's excesses being eliminated under the agrarian reforms of the "Liberal Period". Dutch private capital flowed in after 1850, especially in tin mining and plantation estate agriculture. The Billiton Company's tin mines off the eastern Sumatra coast was financed by a syndicate of Dutch entrepreneurs, including the younger brother of King William III. Mining began in 1860. In 1863 Jacob Nienhuys obtained a concession from the Sultanate of Deli (East Sumatra) for a large tobacco estate (Deli Company.[42] From 1870, the Indies were opened up to private enterprise and Dutch businessmen set up large, profitable plantations. Sugar production doubled between 1870 and 1885; new crops such as tea and cinchona flourished, and rubber was introduced, leading to dramatic increases in Dutch profits. Changes were not limited to Java, or agriculture; oil from Sumatra and Kalimantan became a valuable resource for industrialising Europe. Dutch commercial interests expanded off Java to the outer islands with increasingly more territory coming under direct Dutch control or dominance in the latter half of the 19th century.[13] However, the resulting scarcity of land for rice production, combined with dramatically increasing populations, especially in Java, led to further hardships.[13]
Different flags in Dutch East India
The colonial exploitation of Indonesia's wealth contributed to the industrialisation of the Netherlands, while simultaneously laying the foundation for the industrialisation of Indonesia. The Dutch introduced coffee, tea, cacao, tobacco and rubber and large expanses of Java became plantations cultivated by Javanese peasants, collected by Chinese intermediaries, and sold on overseas markets by European merchants.[13] In the late 19th century economic growth was based on heavy world demand for tea, coffee, and cinchona. The government invested heavily in a railroad network (150 miles long in 1873, 1,200 in 1900), as well as telegraph lines, and entrepreneurs opened banks, shops and newspapers. The Dutch East Indies produced most of the world's supply of quinine and pepper, over a third of its rubber, a quarter of its coconut products, and a fifth of its tea, sugar, coffee, and oil. The profit from the Dutch East Indies made the Netherlands one of the world's most significant colonial powers.[13] The Koninklijke Paketvaart-Maatschappij shipping line supported the unification of the colonial economy and brought inter-island shipping through to Batavia, rather than through Singapore, thus focussing more economic activity on Java.[43]
The worldwide recession of the late 1880s and early 1890s saw the commodity prices on which the colony depended collapse. Journalists and civil servants observed that the majority of the Indies population were no better off than under the previous regulated Cultivation System economy and tens of thousands starved.[44] Commodity prices recovered from the recession, leading to increased investment in the colony. The sugar, tin, copra and coffee trade on which the colony had been built thrived, and rubber, tobacco, tea and oil also became principal exports.[45] Political reform increased the autonomy of the local colonial administration, moving away from central control from the Netherlands, whilst power was also diverged from the central Batavia government to more localised governing units.
The world economy recovered in the late 1890s and prosperity returned. Foreign investment, especially by the British, were encouraged. By 1900, foreign-held assets in the Netherlands Indies totalled about 750 million guilders ($300 million), mostly in Java.[46]
After 1900 upgrading the infrastructure of ports and roads was a high priority for the Dutch, with the goal of modernising the economy, facilitating commerce, and speeding up military movements. By 1950 Dutch engineers had built and upgraded a road network with 12,000 km of asphalted surface, 41,000 km of metalled road area and 16,000 km of gravel surfaces.[47] In addition the Dutch built, 7,500 kilometres (4,700 mi) of railways, bridges, irrigation systems covering 1.4 million hectares (5,400 sq mi) of rice fields, several harbours, and 140 public drinking water systems. Wim Ravesteijn has said that, "With these public works, Dutch engineers constructed the material base of the colonial and postcolonial Indonesian state."[48]

Social history

Volksraad members in 1918: D. Birnie (Dutch), Kan Hok Hoei (Chinese), R. Sastro Widjono and M.N. Dwidjo Sewojo (Javanese).
'Selamatan' feast in Buitenzorg, a common feast among JavaneseMuslims.
In 1898, the population of Java numbered 28 million with another 7 million on Indonesia's outer islands.[49] The first half of 20th century saw large-scale immigration of Dutch and other Europeans to the colony, where they worked in either the government or private sectors. By 1930, there were more than 240,000 people with European legal status in the colony, making up less than 0.5% of the total population.[50] Almost 75% of these Europeans were in fact native Eurasians known as Indo-Europeans.[51]
1930 census of the Dutch East Indies[52]
1Indigenous islanders (Pribumi)59,138,06797.4%
3Dutch people and Eurasians240,4170.4%
4Other foreign orientals115,5350.2%
As the Dutch secured the islands they eliminated slavery, widow burninghead-hunting, cannibalism, piracy, and internecine wars.[21] Railways, steamships, postal and telegraph services, and various government agencies all served to introduce a degree of new uniformity across the colony. Immigration within the archipelago—particularly by ethnic Chinese, Bataks, Javanese, and Bugis—increased dramatically.[53]
The Dutch colonialists formed a privileged upper social class of soldiers, administrators, managers, teachers and pioneers. They lived together with the "natives", but at the top of a rigid social and racial caste system.[54][55] The Dutch East Indies had two legal classes of citizens; European and indigenous. A third class, Foreign Easterners, was added in 1920.[56]
In 1901 the Dutch adopted what they called the Ethical Policy, under which the colonial government had a duty to further the welfare of the Indonesian people in health and education. Other new measures under the policy included irrigation programs, transmigration, communications, flood mitigation, industrialisation, and protection of native industry.[13] Industrialisation did not significantly affect the majority of Indonesians, and Indonesia remained an agricultural colony; by 1930, there were 17 cities with populations over 50,000 and their combined populations numbered 1.87 million of the colony's 60 million.[25]



Students of the School Tot Opleiding Van Indische Artsen(STOVIA) aka Sekolah Doctor Jawa.
The Dutch school system was extended to Indonesians with the most prestigious schools admitting Dutch children and those of the Indonesian upper class. A second tier of schooling was based on ethnicity with separate schools for Indonesians, Arabs, and Chinese being taught in Dutch and with a Dutch curriculum. Ordinary Indonesians were educated in Malay in Roman alphabet with "link" schools preparing bright Indonesian students for entry into the Dutch-language schools.[57] Vocational schools and programs were set up by the Indies government to train indigenous Indonesians for specific roles in the colonial economy. Chinese and Arabs, officially termed "foreign orientals", could not enrol in either the vocational schools or primary schools.[58]
Graduates of Dutch schools opened their own schools modelled on the Dutch school system, as did Christian missionaries, Theosophical Societies, and Indonesian cultural associations. This proliferation of schools was further boosted by new Muslim schools in the Western mould that also offered secular subjects.[57] According to the 1930 census, 6% of Indonesians were literate, however, this figure recognised only graduates from Western schools and those who could read and write in a language in the Roman alphabet. It did not include graduates of non-Western schools or those who could read but not write Arabic, Malay or Dutch, or those who could write in non-Roman alphabets such as BatakJavanese, Chinese, or Arabic.[57]
Dutch, Eurasian and Javanese professors of law at the opening of theRechts Hogeschool in 1924.
Some of higher education institutions were also established. In 1898 the Dutch East Indies government established a school to trainmedical doctors, named School tot Opleiding van Inlandsche Artsen (STOVIA). Many STOVIA graduates later played important roles inIndonesia's national movement toward independence as well in developing medical education in Indonesia, such as Dr. Wahidin Soedirohoesodo, who established the Budi Utomo political society. De Technische Hoogeschool te Bandung established in 1920 by the Dutch colonial administration to meet the needs of technical resources at its colony. One of Technische Hogeschool graduate is Sukarnowhom later would lead the Indonesian National Revolution. In 1924, the colonial government again decided to open a new tertiary-level educational facility, the Rechts Hogeschool (RHS), to train civilian officers and servants. In 1927, STOVIA's status was changed to that of a full tertiary-level institution and its name was changed to Geneeskundige Hogeschool (GHS). The GHS occupied the same main building and used the same teaching hospital as the current Faculty of Medicine of University of Indonesia. The old links between the Netherlands and Indonesia are still clearly visible in such technological areas as irrigation design. To this day, the ideas of Dutch colonial irrigation engineers continue to exert a strong influence over Indonesian design practices.[59] Moreover, the two highest internationally ranking universities of Indonesia, the University of Indonesia est.1898 and the Bandung Institute of Technology est.1920, were both founded during the colonial era.[60][61]
Education reforms, and modest political reform, resulted in a small elite of highly educated indigenous Indonesians, who promoted the idea of an independent and unified "Indonesia" that would bring together disparate indigenous groups of the Dutch East Indies. A period termed the Indonesian National Revival, the first half of the 20th century saw the nationalist movement develop strongly, but also face Dutch oppression.[13]

Law and administration

House of Resident (colonial administrator) in Surabaya.
Traditional rulers who survived displacement by the Dutch conquests were installed as regents and indigenous aristocracy became an indigenous civil service. While they lost real control, their wealth and splendour under the Dutch grew.[25] They were placed under a hierarchy of Dutch officials; the Residents, the Assistant Residents, and District Officers called Controlers. This indirect rule did not disturb the peasantry and was cost-effective for the Dutch; in 1900, only 250 European and 1,500 indigenous civil servants, and 16,000 Dutch officers and men and 26,000 hired native troops, were required to rule 35 million colonial subjects.[62] From 1910, the Dutch created the most centralised state power in Southeast Asia.[21]
Since the VOC era, the highest Dutch authority in the colony resided with the 'Office of the Governor-General'. During the Dutch East Indies era the Governor-General functioned as chief executive president of colonial government and served as commander-in-chief of the colonial (KNIL) army. Until 1903 all government officials and organisations were formal agents of the Governor-General and were entirely dependent on the central administration of the 'Office of the Governor-General' for their budgets.[63] Until 1815 the Governor-General had the absolute right to ban, censor or restrict any publication in the colony. The so-called Exorbitant powers of the Governor-General allowed him to exile anyone regarded as subversive and dangerous to peace and order, without involving any Court of Law.[64]
Governor-General's palace in Batavia (1880-1900).
Until 1848 the Governor-General was directly appointed by the Dutch monarch, and in later years via the Crown and on advice of the Dutch metropolitan cabinet. During two periods (1815–1835 and 1854–1925) the Governor-General ruled jointly with an advisory board called the Raad van Indie (Indies Council). Colonial policy and strategy were the responsibility of the Ministry of Colonies based in The Hague. From 1815 to 1848 the Ministry was under direct authority of the Dutch King. In the 20th century the colony gradually developed as a state distinct from the Dutch metropole with treasury separated in 1903, public loans being contracted by the colony from 1913, and quasi diplomatic ties were established with Arabia to manage the Haji pilgrimage from the Dutch East Indies. In 1922 the colony came on equal footing with the Netherlands in the Dutch constitution, while remaining under the Ministry of Colonies.[65]
Opening of the Volksraad by Governor-General count of Limburg-Stirum, Batavia 18 May 1918.
A People's Council called the Volksraad for the Dutch East Indies commenced in 1918. The Volksraad was limited to an advisory role and only a small portion of the indigenous population were able to vote for its members. The Council comprised 30 indigenous members, 25 European and 5 from Chinese and other populations, and was reconstituted every four years. In 1925 the Volksraad was made a semilegislative body; although decisions were still made by the Dutch government, the governor-general was expected to consult the Volksraad on major issues. The Volksraad was dissolved in 1942 during the Japanese occupation.[66]
Supreme Court Building, Batavia.
The Dutch government adapted the Dutch codes of law in its colony. The highest court of law, the Supreme Court in Batavia, dealt with appeals and monitored judges and courts throughout the colony. Six Councils of Justice (Raad van Justitie) dealt mostly with crime committed by people in the European legal class[67] and only indirectly with the indigenous population. The Land Councils(Landraden) dealt with civil matters and less serious offences like estate divorces, and matrimonial disputes. The indigenous population was subject to their respective adat law and to indigenous regents and district courts, unless cases were escalated before Dutch judges.[68][69] Following Indonesian independence, the Dutch legal system was adopted and gradually a national legal system based on Indonesian precepts of law and justice was established.[70]
By 1920 the Dutch had established 350 prisons throughout the colony. The Meester Cornelis prison in Batavia incarcerated the most unruly inmates. In Sawah Loento prison on Sumatra prisoners had to perform manual labour in the coal mines. Separate prisons were built for juveniles (West Java) and for women. In the female Boeloe prison in Semarang inmates had the opportunity to learn a profession during their detention, such as sewing, weaving and making batik. This training was held in high esteem and helped re-socialise women once they were outside the correctional facility.[68][71] In response to the communist uprising of 1926 the prison camp Boven-Digoel was established in New Guinea. As of 1927 political prisoners, including indigenous Indonesians espousing Indonesian independence, were 'exiled' to the outer islands.[72]
Politically, the highly centralised power structure, including the exorbitant powers of exile and censorship,[73] established by the Dutch administration was carried over into the new Indonesian republic.[21]

Administrative divisions

The Dutch East Indies was divided into three Gouvernementen, Groot Oost, Borneo and Sumatra, and three provincies in Java. Provincies and Gouvernementen were both divided to Residencies but while the Residencies under Provincies were divided again to regentschapen, Residencies under Gouvermenten were divided to Afdeelingen first before being divided to regentschapen[74] In 1942, the divisions were


Modern areaPrimary resource(s)
Dutch nameLocal nameCurrent English name
Residentie Atjeh en OnderhoorighedenAcehResidency of Aceh and Dependencies100306255392.23Aceh, consisting of the divisions (afdeeling) of Groot-AtjehNordkust van Atjeh,Oostkust van AtjehGajo en AlaslandenPidie and Westkust van Atjehopiumgold,coffee
Residentie TapanoeliTapanuliResidency of Tapanuli104258339076.87western part of North Sumatra, consisting of the divisions (afdeeling) of Sibolga en OmstrekenNiasBataklanden and Padang Sidempoeancamphor
Residentie Oostkust van SumatraSumatra TimurResidency of Sumatra's East Coast169320094583.25eastern part of North Sumatra and northern part of Riau, consisting of the divisions (afdeeling) of LangkatDeli en SerdangAsahanSimaloengoen en KarolandenSiakand Bengkalis; and with the municipalities (stadsgemeente) of MedanBindjaiTebing TinggiTandjoeng Balai and Pematang Siantartobacco
Residentie Sumatra's WestkustSumatra BaratResidency of Sumatra's West Coast191029849778.10West Sumatra including Mentawai Islands, consisting of the divisions (afdeeling) ofPadangPadangsche BovenlandenAgamSolokLimapoeloe Koto and Zuid Benedenlanden; and with the municipalities (stadsgemeente) of PadangBukittinggiand Sawahloentocoalblack peppersalt
Residentie Riouw en OnderhoorighedenRiauResidency of Riau and Dependencies29822531668.44southern part of Riau and Riau Islands, consisting of the divisions (afdeeling) ofIndragiri and Tandjoengpinangoilfish
Residentie DjambiJambiResidency of Jambi24527244923.76Jambi, consisting of the divisions (afdeeling) of Djambiblack pepper
Residentie BengkoelenBengkuluResidency of Bengkulu32312326249.39Bengkulu, consisting of the divisions (afdeeling) of Bengkoelenblack pepper
Residentie PalembangPalembangResidency of Palembang109872586355.65South Sumatra, consist of the divisions (afdeeling) of Palembang Bovenlanden,Palembang Benedenlanden and Ogan en Komering-oeloe; and with the municipalities (stadsgemeente) of Palembangblack pepper
Residentie Bangka en OnderhoorighedenBangkaResidency of Bangka and Dependencies27879216774.70Bangka and Belitung Islands, consisting of the divisions (afdeeling) of Bangka andBillitontin
Residentie Lampongsche DistrictenLampungResidency of Lampung District36156328783.74Lampung, consisting of the divisions (afdeeling) of Teloekbetoengblack pepper


Java was also divided to three provinces which overlap with Pre-2000 boundary of java without Surakarta which in 1942 along with Yogyakarta were not included in any provinces of Java, but considered Vorstenlanden van Java (Princely States of Java)
West Java
Modern areaPrimary resource(s)
Dutch nameLocal nameCurrent English name
Residentie BantamBantenResidency of Banten1028628n/aBanten consisting of the regencies (regentschap) of SerangLebak and Pandeglangblack pepper,goldpoultry
Residentie BataviaBetawiResidency of Batavia2637035n/aJakarta and surroundings, consisting of the regencies (regentschap) of BataviaMeester-Cornelisand Krawang; with municipality (stadsgemeente) of Bataviaricecoffee
Residentie BuitenzorgBogorResidency of Buitenzorg2212997n/aBogor and surroundings, consist of the regencies (regentschap) of BuitenzorgSoekaboemi andTjiandjoer; with municipality (stadsgemeente) of Buitenzorg and Soekaboemicoffee
Residentie PreangerPrianganResidency of Preanger3448796n/aBandung and surroundings, consisting of the regencies (regentschap) of BandoengSoemedang,TasikmalajaTjiamis and Garoet; with municipality (stadsgemeente) of Bandoengteacoffee,quinine
Residentie CheribonCirebonResidency of Cirebon2069690n/aCirebon and surroundings, consisting of regencies (regentschap) of CheribonKoeningan,Indramajoe and Madjalengka; and with the municipalities (stadsgemeente) of Cheribonblack pepper,fish
Midden Java[edit]
Modern areaPrimary resource(s)
Dutch nameLocal nameCurrent English name
Residentie PekalonganPekalonganResidency of Pekalongan2640124n/aPekalonganTegal and surroundings, consisting of regencies (regentschap) of Pekalongan,BatangPemalangTegal and Brebes; and with the municipalities(stadsgemeente) ofPekalongan and Tegalfishindigo,ricesugar
Residentie BanjoemasBanyumasResidency of Banyumas2474447n/aBanyumasPurwokerto and surroundings, consist of the regencies (regentschap) ofBanjoemasPoerwokertoPoerbolinggoTjilatjapKaranganjar and Bandjarnegaraoil
Residentie KedoeKeduResidency of Kedu2129894n/aMagelang and surroundings, consisting of the regencies (regentschap) of Magelang,WonosoboTemanggoengPoerworedjoKoetoardjo and Keboemen; and with the municipality (stadsgemeente) of Magelangtobacco
Residentie SemarangSemarangResidency of Semarang2020684n/aSemarang and surroundings, consisting of the regencies (regentschap) of SemarangKendal,Demak and Grobogan; and with the municipalities (stadsgemeente) of Semarang andSalatigatimber,indigo,kapok
Residentie Djepara-RembangJepara-RembangResidency of Jepara-Rembang1876480n/aJeparaRembang and surroundings, consisting of regencies (regentschap) of PatiDjepara,RembangBlora and Koedoestimberrice,cotton
Oost Java[edit]
Modern areaPrimary resource(s)
Dutch nameLocal nameCurrent English name
Residentie MadioenMadiunResidency of Madiun1909801n/aMadiun and surroundings, consisting of the regencies (regentschap) of MadioenMagetan,NgawiPonorogo and Patjitan; and with the municipality (stadsgemeente) of Madioensugar
Residentie BodjonegoroBojonegoroResidency of Bojonegoro1986129n/aBojonegoro and surroundings, consisting of the regencies (regentschap) of Bodjonegoro,ToebanGrisse and Lamonganfishtimber
Residentie KediriKediriResidency of Kediri2469955n/aKediri and surroundings, consisting of the regencies (regentschap) of KediriNgandjoekBlitar,Toeloengagoeng and Trenggalek; and with the municipalities (stadsgemeente) of Kediri andBlitartobacco
Residentie SoerabajaSurabayaResidency of Surabaya1902953n/aSurabaya and surroundings, consisting of the regencies (regentschap) of SoerabajaSidoardjo,Modjokerto and Djombang; and with the municipalities (stadsgemeente) of Soerabaja andModjokertofish
Residentie MalangMalangResidency of Malang1713536n/aMalang and surroundings, consisting of the regencies (regentschap) of MalangPasoeroean andBangil; with municipality (stadsgemeente) of Malang and Pasoeroeanfruit
Residentie ProbolinggoProbolinggoResidency of Probolinggo1027569n/aProbolinggo and surroundings, consisting of the regencies (regentschap) of Probolinggo,Kraksaan and Loemadjang; and with the municipalities (stadsgemeente) of Probolinggosulphur
Residentie BesoekiBesukiResidency of Besuki2083309n/aBanyuwangi and surroundings, consisting of the regencies (regentschap) of Bondowoso,PanaroekanDjember and Banjoewangitobacco
Residentie MadoeraMaduraResidency of Madura1962462n/aMadura, consisting of the regencies (regentschap) of BangkalanSampangPamekasan andSoemenepsalt
Modern areaPrimary resource(s)
Dutch nameLocal nameCurrent English name
Residentie JogjakartaYogyakartaResidency of Yogyakarta1559027n/aYogyakarta, consisting of the regencies (regentschap) of AdikartoPakoealamanKoelon-ProgoJogjakartaBantoel and Goenoeng-Kidultobacco
Residentie SoerakartaSurakartaResidency of Surakarta2564848n/aSurakarta, consisting of the regencies (regentschap) of SragenSoerakartaKota MangkoenagaranKlatenBojolali and Wonogiritobacco,sugar


In 1938 both of these Residenties were united were again united in a Gouvernement of Borneo with its capital at Banjarmasin.
Modern areaPrimary resource(s)
Dutch nameLocal nameCurrent English name
Residentie Westerafdeeling van BorneoKalimantan BaratResidency of Western Kalimantan802447n/aWest Kalimantan, consisting of the Afdeelingen of SingkawangPontianakKetapang andSintanggold
Residentie Zuider en Oosterafdeeling van BorneoKalimantan Selatan dan TimurResidency of South and East Kalimantan1366214n/aCentral KalimantanSouth KalimantanEast Kalimantan and North Kalimantan, consisting of the afdeelingen of Koeala KapoeasBandjermasinHoeloe SoengeiSamarinda andBoeloengan en Berau; with the municipalities (stadsgemeente) of Bandjermasindiamond,oilblack pepper,timber

Groote Oost[edit]

The Gouvernement van Groote Oost was a gouvernement of the Dutch East Indies created in 1938. It comprised all the islands to the east of Borneo and Java.
Lesser Sunda Islands[edit]
Modern areaPrimary resource(s)
Dutch nameLocal nameCurrent English name
Residentie Bali en LombokBali dan LombokResidency of Bali and Lombok1802683n/aBali and Lombok, consisting of the afdeelinen) of Bali and Lombokrice
Residentie Timor en OnderhoorighedenTimorResidency of Timor and Dependencies1657376n/aWest Nusa Tenggara East of Lombok and East Nusa Tenggara, consisting of the divisions (afdeeling) of SoembawaSoembaFlores and Timor en eilandensandalwood
Modern areaPrimary resource(s)
Dutch nameLocal nameCurrent English name
Residentie Celebes en OnderhoorighedenSulawesiResidency of Celebes and Dependencies3093251n/aSouth SulawesiWest Sulawesi and Southeast Sulawesi, consisting of the afdeelingen of Bonthain, MakassarBonePare-pareMandar, and LoewoeBoetoeng en Laiwoei and with the municipalities (stadsgemeente) of Makassarfishcotton,gold
Residentie ManadoManadoResidency of Manado1138665n/aCentral SulawesiGorontalo and North Sulawesi, consisting of the afdeelingen of Poso,DonggalaGorontalo, and Manado with the municipalities (stadsgemeente) of Manadofish
Maluku and Papua[edit]
In 1922 with the dissolution of Residentie Ternate to Residentie Amboina, Residentie Amboina was renamed to Residentie Molukken. In 1935 the Residentie was renamed to Gouvernement Molukken until the creation of Gouvernement Groot Oost in 1938, in which Gouvernement Molukken became residencie again.
Modern areaPrimary resource(s)
Dutch nameLocal nameCurrent English name
Afdeeling TernateMalukuAfdeeling of Ternate560013n/aNorth Malukuclovenutmegmace
Afdeeling AmboinaMalukuAfeedling of Amboina560013n/aMalukuclovenutmegmace
Afdeeling Nieuw-GuineaPapuaAfdeeling of New Guinea333387n/aWest Papua and Papuatimber

Armed forces[edit]

Decorated indigenous KNIL soldiers, 1927.
The Royal Dutch East Indies Army (KNIL) and the Royal Netherlands East Indies Army Air Force (ML-KNIL) were established in 1830 and 1915 respectively. Naval forces of the Royal Netherlands Navy were based in Surabaya, but were never part of the KNIL. The KNIL was a separate branch of the Royal Netherlands Army, commanded by the Governor-General and funded by the colonial budget. The KNIL was not allowed to recruit Dutch conscripts and had the nature of a 'Foreign Legion' recruiting not only Dutch volunteers, but many other European nationalities (especially German, Belgian and Swiss mercenaries).[75] While most officers were Europeans, the majority of soldiers were indigenous Indonesians, the largest contingent of which were Javanese and Sundanese.[76]
Dutch policy before the 1870s was to take full charge of strategic points and work out treaties with the local leaders elsewhere so they would remain in control and co-operate. The policy failed in Aceh, in northern Sumatra, where the sultan tolerated pirates who raided commerce in the Strait of Malacca. Britain was a protector of Aceh and it gave the Netherlands permission to eradicate the pirates. The campaign quickly drove out the sultan but across Aceh numerous local Muslim leaders mobilised and fought the Dutch in four decades of very expensive guerrilla war, with high levels of atrocities on both sides.[77]
Aceh War (1873–1914) between the Netherlands and the Aceh Sultanate.
Colonial military authorities tried to forestall a war against the population by means of a ‘strategy of awe’. When a guerrilla war did take place the Dutch used either a slow, violent occupation or a campaign of destruction.[78] By 1900 the archipelago was considered "pacified" and the KNIL was mainly involved with military police tasks. The nature of the KNIL changed in 1917 when the colonial government introduced obligatory military service for all male conscripts in the European legal class[79] and in 1922 a supplemental legal enactment introduced the creation of a ‘Home guard’ (Dutch: Landstorm) for European conscripts older than 32.[80] Petitions by Indonesian nationalists to establish military service for indigenous people were rejected. In July 1941 the Volksraad passed law creating a native militia of 18,000 by a majority of 43 to 4, with only the moderate Great Indonesia Party objecting. After the declaration of war with Japan, over 100,000 natives volunteered.[81] The KNIL hastily and inadequately attempted to transform into modern military force able to protect the Dutch East Indies from Imperial Japanese invasion. On the eve of the Japanese invasion in December 1941, Dutch regular troops in the East Indies comprised about 1,000 officers and 34,000 men, of whom 28,000 were indigenous. During the Dutch East Indies campaign of 1941–42 the KNIL and the Allied forces were quickly defeated.[82] All European soldiers, which in practice included all able bodied Indo-European males were interned by the Japanese as POW's. 25% of the POW's did not survive their internment.
Following World War II, a reconstituted KNIL joined with Dutch Army troops to re-establish colonial "law and order". Despite two successful military campaigns in 1947 and 1948, Dutch efforts to re-establish their colony failed and the Netherlands recognised Indonesian sovereignty in December 1949.[83] The KNIL was disbanded by 26 July 1950 with its indigenous personnel being given the option of demobilising or joining the Indonesian military.[84] At the time of disbandment the KNIL numbered 65,000, of whom 26,000 were incorporated into the new Indonesian Army. The remainder were either demobilised or transferred to the Netherlands Army.[85] Key officers in the Indonesian National Armed Forces that were former KNIL soldiers include: Suharto second president of Indonesia, Nasution supreme commander of the Indonesian army and Alexander Evert Kawilarangfounder of the elite special forces Kopassus.


Language and literature[edit]

Perhimpunan Pelajar-Pelajar Indonesia (Indonesian Students Union) delegates in Youth Pledge, an important event where Indonesian language was decided to be the national language. 1928
Across the archipelago, hundreds of native languages are used, and Malay or Portuguese Creole, the existing languages of trade were adopted. Prior to 1870, when Dutch colonial influence was largely restricted to Java, Malay was used in government schools and training programs such that graduates could communicate with groups from other regions who immigrated to Java.[86] The colonial government sought to standardise Malay based on the version from Riau and Malacca, and dictionaries were commissioned for governmental communication and schools for indigenous peoples.[87] In the early 20th century, Indonesia's independence leaders adopted a form of Malay from Riau, and called it Indonesian. In the latter half of the 19th century, the rest of the archipelago, in which hundreds of language groups were used, was brought under Dutch control. In extending the native education program to these areas, the government stipulated this "standard Malay" as the language of the colony.[88]
Dutch was not made the official language of the colony and was not widely used by the indigenous Indonesian population.[89] The majority of legally acknowledged Dutchmen were bi-lingual Indo Eurasians.[90] Dutch was only used by a limited educated elite, and in 1942, around two percent of the total population in the Dutch East Indies spoke Dutch including over 1 million indigenous Indonesians.[91] A number of Dutch loan words are used in present-day Indonesian, particularly technical terms (see List of Dutch loan words in Indonesian). These words generally had no alternative in Malay and were adopted into the Indonesian vocabulary giving a linguistic insight into which concepts are part of the Dutch colonial heritage. Hendrik Maier of the University of California says that about a fifth of contemporary Indonesian language can be traced to Dutch.[92]
Dutch language literature has been inspired by both colonial and post-colonial Indies from the Dutch Golden Age to the present day. It includes Dutch, Indo-European and Indonesian authors. Its subject matter thematically revolves around the Dutch colonial era, but also includes postcolonial discourse. Masterpieces of this genre include Multatuli'sMax Havelaar: Or The Coffee Auctions of the Dutch Trading CompanyLouis Couperus's Hidden ForceE. du Perron's Country of Origin, and Maria Dermoût's The Ten Thousand Things.[93][94]
Most Dutch literature was written by Dutch and Indo-European authors, however, in the first half of the 20th century under the Ethical Policy, indigenous Indonesian authors and intellectuals came to the Netherlands to study and work. They wrote Dutch language literary works and published literature in literary reviews such as Het GetijDe GemeenschapLinks Richten and Forum. By exploring new literary themes and focusing on indigenous protagonists, they drew attention to indigenous culture and the indigenous plight. Examples include the Javanese prince and poet Noto Soeroto, a writer and journalist, and the Dutch language writings of Soewarsih DjojopoespitoChairil AnwarKartini,Sutan Sjahrir and Sukarno.[95] Much of the postcolonial discourse in Dutch Indies literature has been written by Indo-European authors led by the "avant garde visionary" Tjalie Robinson, who is the best read Dutch author in contemporary Indonesia[96] and second generation Indo-European immigrants like Marion Bloem.

Visual art[edit]

The romantic depiction of De Grote Postweg near Buitenzorg.
The natural beauty of East Indies has inspired the works of artists and painters, that mostly capture the romantic scenes of colonial Indies. The term Mooi Indie (Dutch for "Beautiful Indies") was originally coined as the title of 11 reproductions of Du Chattel's watercolor paintings which depicted the scene of East Indies published in Amsterdam in 1930. The term became famous in 1939 after S. Sudjojono used it to mock the painters that merely depict all pretty things about Indies.[97] Mooi Indie later would identified as the genre of painting that occurred during the colonial East Indies that capture the romantic depictions of the Indies as the main themes; mostly natural scenes of mountains, volcanos, rice paddies, river valleys, villages, with scenes of native servants, nobles, and sometimes bare-chested native women. Some of the notable Mooi Indie painters are European artists: F.J. du Chattel, Manus Bauer, Nieuwkamp, Isaac Israel, PAJ Moojen, Carel Dake and Romualdo Locatelli; East Indies-born Dutch painters: Henry van Velthuijzen, Charles Sayers, Ernest Dezentje, Leonard Eland and Jan Frank; Native painters: Raden Saleh, Mas Pirngadi, Abdullah Surisubroto, Wakidi, Basuki Abdullah, Mas Soeryo Soebanto and Henk Ngantunk; and also Chinese painters: Lee Man Fong, Oei Tiang Oen and Biau Tik Kwie. These painters usually exhibit their works in art galleries such as Bataviasche Kuntkringgebouw, Theosofie Vereeniging, Kunstzaal Kolff & Co and Hotel Des Indes.

Theatre and film[edit]

Cinema Bioscoop Mimosa in Batu,Java dated 1941.
A total of 112 fictional films are known to have been produced in the Dutch East Indies between 1926 and the colony's dissolution in 1949. The earliest motion pictures, imported from abroad, were shown in late 1900,[98] and by the early 1920s imported serials and fictional films were being shown, often with localised names.[99] Dutch companies were also producing documentary films about the Indies to be shown in the Netherlands.[100] The first locally produced film, Loetoeng Kasaroeng, was directed by L. Heuveldorp and released on 31 December 1926.[101] Between 1926 and 1933 numerous other local productions were released. During the mid-1930s, production dropped as a result of the Great Depression.[102] The rate of production declined again after the Japanese occupation beginning in early 1942, closing all but one film studio.[103] The majority of films produced during the occupation were Japanese propaganda shorts.[104] Following theProclamation of Indonesian Independence in 1945 and during the ensuing revolution several films were made, by both pro-Dutch and pro-Indonesian backers.[105][106]
Generally films produced in the Indies dealt with traditional stories or were adapted from existing works.[107] The early films were silent, with Karnadi Anemer Bangkong (Karnadi the Frog Contractor; 1930) generally considered the first talkie;[108] later films would be in Dutch, Malay, or an indigenous language. All were black-and-white. The American visual anthropologist Karl G. Heider writes that all films from before 1950 are lost.[109] However, JB Kristanto's Katalog Film Indonesia (Indonesian Film Catalogue) records several as having survived at Sinematek Indonesia's archives, and Biran writes that several Japanese propaganda films have survived at the Netherlands Government Information Service.[110]
Theatre plays by playwrights such as Victor Ido (1869–1948) were performed at the Schouwburg Weltevreden, now known as Gedung Kesenian Jakarta. A less elite form of theatre, popular with both European and indigenous people, were the travelling Indo theatre shows known as Komedie Stamboel, made popular by Auguste Mahieu (1865–1903).


Museum and lab of the Buitenzorg Plantentuin.
The rich nature and culture of the Dutch East Indies attracted European intellectuals, scientists and researchers. Some notable scientists that conducted most of their important research in the East Indies archipelago are TeijsmannJunghuhnEijkmanDubois and Wallace. Many important art, culture and science institutions were established in Dutch East Indies. For example, the Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, (Royal Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences), the predecessor of the National Museum of Indonesia, was established in 1778 with the aim to promote research and publish findings in the field of arts and sciences, especially history,archaeologyethnography and physics. The Bogor Botanical Gardens with Herbarium Bogoriense and Museum Zoologicum Bogoriensewas a major centre for botanical research established in 1817, with the aim to study the flora and fauna of the archipelago.
Java Man was discovered by Eugène Dubois in 1891. Komodo dragon was first described by Peter Ouwens in 1912, after an aeroplane crash accident in 1911 and rumours about living dinosaurs in Komodo Island in 1910. Vitamin B1 and its relation to beriberi disease was discovered by Eijkman during his work in the Indies.


See also: Indonesian cuisine
Dutch family enjoying a largeRijsttafel dinner, 1936.
The Dutch colonial families through their domestic helps and cooks were exposed to Indonesian cuisine, as the result they have developed a taste for native tropical spices and dishes. A notable Dutch East Indies colonial dish is rijsttafel, the rice table that consists of 7 to 40 popular dishes from across the colony. More an extravagant banquet than a dish, the Dutch colonials introduced the rice table not only so they could enjoy a wide array of dishes at a single setting but also to impress visitors with the exotic abundance of their colony.[111]
Through colonialism the Dutch introduced European dishes such as breadcheese, barbecued steak and pancake. As the producer of cash crops; coffee and tea were also popular in the colonial East Indies. Bread, butter and margarine, sandwiches filled with ham, cheese or fruit jam, poffertjespannekoek and Dutch cheeses were commonly consumed by colonial Dutch and Indos during the colonial era. Some of the native upperclass ningrat (nobles) and a few educated native were exposed to European cuisine, and it was held with high esteem as the cuisine of upperclass elite of Dutch East Indies society. This led to the adoption and fusion of European cuisine into Indonesian cuisine. Some dishes which were created during the colonial era are Dutch influenced: they include selat solo (solo salad), bistik jawa (Javanese beef steak), semur (from Dutch smoor), sayur kacang merah (brenebon) and sop buntut. Cakes and cookies also can trace their origin to Dutch influences; such as kue bolu (tart), pandan cake, lapis legit (spekkoek), spiku (lapis Surabaya), klappertaart (coconut tart), and kaasstengels(cheese cookies). Kue cubit commonly found in front of schools and marketplaces are believed to be derived from poffertjes.[112]


The 16th and 17th century arrival of European powers in Indonesia introduced masonry construction to Indonesia where previously timber and its by-products had been almost exclusively used. In the 17th and 18th centuries, Batavia was a fortified brick and masonry city.[113] For almost two centuries, the colonialists did little to adapt their European architectural habits to the tropical climate.[114] They built row houses which were poorly ventilated with small windows, which was thought as protection against tropical diseases coming from tropical air.[114] Years later the Dutch learnt to adapt their architectural styles with local building features (long eaves, verandahsporticos, large windows and ventilation openings),[115] and the 18th century Dutch Indies country houses was one of the first colonial buildings to incorporate Indonesian architectural elements and adapt to the climate, the known as Indies Style.[116]
Ceremonial Hall, Bandung Institute of TechnologyBandung, by architect Henri Maclaine-Pont
From the end of the 19th century, significant improvements to technology, communications and transportation brought new wealth to Java. Modernistic buildings, including train stations, business hotels, factories and office blocks, hospitals and education institutions, were influenced by international styles. The early 20th century trend was for modernist influences—such as art-deco—being expressed in essentially European buildings with Indonesian trim. Practical responses to the environment carried over from the earlier Indies Style, included overhanging eaves, larger windows and ventilation in the walls, which gave birth to the New Indies Style.[117] The largest stock of colonial era buildings are in the large cities of Java, such as Bandung, JakartaSemarang, and Surabaya. Notable architects and planners include Albert AalbersThomas KarstenHenri Maclaine Pont, J. Gerber and C.P.W. Schoemaker.[118] In the first three decades of the 20th century, the Department of Public Works funded major public buildings and introduced a town planning program under which the main towns and cities in Java and Sumatra were rebuilt and extended.[119]
A lack of development in the Great Depression, the turmoil of the Second World War and the Indonesia's independence struggle of the 1940s, and economic stagnation during the politically turbulent 1950s and 60s, meant that much colonial architecture has been preserved through to recent decades.[120] Colonial homes were almost always the preserve of the wealthy Dutch, Indonesian and Chinese elites, however the styles were often rich and creative combinations of two cultures, so much so that the homes remain sought after into the 21st century.[116] Native architecture was arguably more influenced by the new European ideas than colonial architecture was influenced by Indonesian styles; and these Western elements continue to be a dominant influence on Indonesia's built environment today.

Colonial heritage in the Netherlands[edit]

Dutch imperial imagery representing the Dutch East Indies (1916). The text reads "Our most precious jewel".
In The Dutch Golden Age of the 17th century, the Netherlands urbanised considerably, mostly financed by corporate revenue from the Asian trade monopolies.[citation needed] Social status was based on merchants' income, which reduced feudalism and considerably changed the dynamics of Dutch society.
When the Dutch Royal Family was established in 1815, much of its wealth came from Colonial trade.[121]
Universities such as the Royal Leiden University founded in the 16th century have developed into leading knowledge centres about Southeast Asian and Indonesian studies.[122] Leiden University has produced academics such as Colonial adviser Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje who specialised in native oriental (Indonesian) affairs, and it still has academics who specialise in Indonesian languages and cultures. Leiden University and in particular KITLV are educational and scientific institutions that to this day share both an intellectual and historical interest in Indonesian studies. Other scientific institutions in the Netherlands include the Amsterdam Tropenmuseum, an anthropological museum with massive collections of Indonesian art, culture, ethnography and anthropology.[59]
The traditions of the KNIL are maintained by the Regiment Van Heutsz of the modern Royal Netherlands Army and the dedicatedBronbeek Museum, a former home for retired KNIL soldiers, exists in Arnhem to this day.
File:Indisch tuinfeest op Arendsdorp Weeknummer 27-15 - Open Beelden - 16627.ogv
Dutch newsreel dated 1927 showing a Dutch East Indian fair in the Netherlands featuring Indoand Indigenous people from the Dutch East Indies performing traditional dance and music in traditional attire.[123]
Many surviving colonial families and their descendants who moved back to the Netherlands after Independence tended to look back on the colonial era with a sense of the power and prestige they had in the colony, with such items as the 1970s book Tempo Doeloe (Old times) by author Rob Nieuwenhuys, and other books and materials that became quite common in the 1970s and 1980s.[124] Moreover, since the 18th century Dutch literature has a large number of established authors, such as Louis Couperus, the writer of "The Hidden Force", taking the colonial era as an important source of inspiration.[125] In fact one of the great masterpieces of Dutch literature is the book "Max Havelaar" written by Multatuli in 1860.[126]
The majority of Dutchmen that repatriated to the Netherlands after and during the Indonesian revolution areIndo (Eurasian), native to the islands of the Dutch East Indies. This relatively large Eurasian population had developed over a period of 400 years and were classified by colonial law as belonging to the European legal community.[127] In Dutch they are referred to as 'Indische Nederlanders' (Indies Dutchmen) or Indo (short for Indo-European). Of the 296,200 so called Dutch 'repatriants' only 92,200 were expatriate Dutchmen born in the Netherlands.[128]
Including their 2nd generation descendants, they are currently the largest foreign born group in the Netherlands. In 2008, the Dutch Census Buro for Statistics (CBS)[129] registered 387,000 first and second generation Indos living in the Netherlands.[130] Although considered fully assimilated into Dutch society, as the main ethnic minority in the Netherlands, these 'Repatriants' have played a pivotal role in introducing elements of Indonesian culture into Dutch mainstream culture. Practically each town in the Netherlands will have a 'Toko' (Dutch Indonesian Shop) or Indonesian restaurant[131] and many 'Pasar Malam' (Night market in Malay/Indonesian) fairs are organised throughout the year.
Many Indonesian dishes and foodstuffs have become commonplace in the Netherlands. Rijsttafel, a colonial culinary concept, and dishes such as Nasi goreng and sateh are still very popular in the Netherlands.[112]

See also[edit]


  1. Jump up^ [1]
  2. Jump up^ Friend (1942), Vickers (2003), Ricklefs (1991), Reid (1974), Taylor (2003).
  3. Jump up^ Empires and Colonies.
  4. Jump up^ Booth, Anne, et al. Indonesian Economic History in the Dutch Colonial Era (1990), Ch 8
  5. Jump up^ R.B. Cribb and A. Kahin, p. 118
  6. Jump up^ Robert Elson, The idea of Indonesia: A history (2008) pp 1-12
  7. Jump up^ Dagh-register gehouden int Casteel Batavia vant passerende daer ter plaetse als over geheel Nederlandts-India anno 1624–1629."English: "The official register at Catle Bavaria, of the census of the Dutch East Indies VOC. 1624.
  8. Jump up^ Gouda, Frances. Dutch Culture Overseas: Colonial Practice in the Netherlands Indies, 1900-1942 (1996) online
  9. Jump up^ Taylor (2003)
  10. Jump up to:a b c Ricklefs (1991), p. 27
  11. Jump up to:a b Vickers (2005), p. 10
  12. Jump up^ Ricklefs (1991), p. 110; Vickers (2005), p. 10
  13. Jump up to:a b c d e f g h i j k l *Witton, Patrick (2003). Indonesia. Melbourne: Lonely Planet. pp. 23–25. ISBN 1-74059-154-2.
  14. Jump up^ Luc Nagtegaal, Riding the Dutch Tiger: The Dutch East Indies Company and the Northeast Coast of Java, 1680–1743 (1996)
  15. Jump up^ Schwarz, A. (1994). A Nation in Waiting: Indonesia in the 1990s. Westview Press. pp. 3–4. ISBN 1-86373-635-2.
  16. Jump up^ Kumar, Ann (1997). Java. Hong Kong: Periplus Editions. p. 44. ISBN 962-593-244-5.
  17. Jump up^ Ricklefs (1991), pp. 111–114
  18. Jump up to:a b c Ricklefs (1991), p. 131
  19. Jump up^ Vickers (2005), p. 10; Ricklefs (1991), p. 131
  20. Jump up^ Ricklefs (1991), p. 142
  21. Jump up to:a b c d e f g Friend (2003), p. 21
  22. Jump up^ Ricklefs (1991), pp. 138-139
  23. Jump up^ Vickers (2005), p. 13
  24. Jump up to:a b c Vickers (2005), p. 14
  25. Jump up to:a b c Reid (1974), p. 1.
  26. Jump up^ Jack Ford, "The Forlorn Ally—The Netherlands East Indies in 1942," War & Society(1993) 11#1 pp: 105-127.
  27. Jump up^ Herman Theodore Bussemaker, "Paradise in Peril: The Netherlands, Great Britain and the Defence of the Netherlands East Indies, 1940–41," Journal of Southeast Asian Studies(2000) 31#1 pp: 115-136.
  28. Jump up^ Morison (1948), p. 191
  29. Jump up^ Ricklefs (1991), p. 195
  30. Jump up^ L., Klemen, 1999–2000, The Netherlands East Indies 1941–42, "Forgotten Campaign: The Dutch East Indies Campaign 1941–1942".
  31. Jump up^ Shigeru Satō: War, nationalism, and peasants: Java under the Japanese occupation, 1942–1945 (1997), p. 43
  32. Jump up^ Japanese occupation of Indonesia
  33. Jump up^ Encyclopædia Britannica Online (2007). "Indonesia :: Japanese occupation". Retrieved21 January 2007Though initially welcomed as liberators, the Japanese gradually established themselves as harsh overlords. Their policies fluctuated according to the exigencies of the war, but in general their primary object was to make the Indies serve Japanese war needs.
  34. Jump up^ Gert Oostindie and Bert Paasman (1998). "Dutch Attitudes towards Colonial Empires, Indigenous Cultures, and Slaves"Eighteenth-Century Studies 31 (3): 349–355.doi:10.1353/ecs.1998.0021.Ricklefs, M.C. (1993). History of Modern Indonesia Since c.1300, second edition. London: MacMillan. ISBN 0-333-57689-6.
  35. Jump up^ Vickers (2005), page 85
  36. Jump up^ Ricklefs (1991), p. 199
  37. Jump up^ Cited in: Dower, John W. War Without Mercy: Race and Power in the Pacific War (1986; Pantheon; ISBN 0-394-75172-8)
  38. Jump up^ Dick, et al. (2002)
  39. Jump up^ Ricklefs (1991), p 119
  40. Jump up to:a b Taylor (2003), p. 240
  41. Jump up^ "Indonesia’s Infrastructure Problems: A Legacy From Dutch Colonialism"The Jakarta Globe.
  42. Jump up^ Dick, et al. (2002), p. 95
  43. Jump up^ Vickers (2005), p. 20
  44. Jump up^ Vickers (2005), p. 16
  45. Jump up^ Vickers (2005), p. 18
  46. Jump up^ Dick, et al. (2002), p. 97
  47. Jump up^ ten Horn-van Nispen, Marie-Louise; Ravesteijn, Wim (2009). "The road to an empire: Organisation and technology of road construction in the Dutch East Indies, 1800–1940".Journal of Transport History 10 (1): 40–57. doi:10.7227/TJTH.30.1.5.
  48. Jump up^ Ravesteijn, Wim (2007). "Between Globalization and Localization: The Case of Dutch Civil Engineering in Indonesia, 1800–1950". Comparative Technology Transfer and Society5 (1): 32–64 [quote p. 32]. doi:10.1353/ctt.2007.0017.
  49. Jump up^ Furnivall, J.S. (1967) [1939]. Netherlands India: a Study of Plural Economy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 9. ISBN 0-521-54262-6. Cited in Vicker, Adrian (2005). A History of Modern Indonesia. Cambridge University Press. p. 9. ISBN 0-521-54262-6.
  50. Jump up^ Beck, Sanderson, (2008) South Asia, 1800-1950 - World Peace Communications ISBN 0-9792532-3-3ISBN 978-0-9792532-3-2 - By 1930 more European women had arrived in the colony, and they made up 113,000 out of the 240,000 Europeans.
  51. Jump up^ Van Nimwegen, Nico De demografische geschiedenis van Indische Nederlanders, Report no.64 (Publisher: NIDI, The Hague, 2002) P.36 ISBN 9789070990923
  52. Jump up^ Van Nimwegen, Nico (2002). "64". De demografische geschiedenis van Indische Nederlanders [The demography of the Dutch in the East Indies] (PDF)The Hague: NIDI. p. 35. ISBN 9789070990923.
  53. Jump up^ Taylor (2003), p. 238
  54. Jump up^ Vickers (2005), p. 9
  55. Jump up^ Reid (1974), p. 170, 171
  56. Jump up^ Cornelis, Willem, Jan (2008). [[[:id:Vreemde Oosterlingen]] and [2] De Privaatrechterlijke Toestand: Der Vreemde Oosterlingen Op Java En Madoera ( Don't know how to translate this, the secret? private? hinterland. Java nd Madoera)Check |url=value (help) (PDF). Bibiliobazaar. ISBN 978-0-559-23498-9.
  57. Jump up to:a b c Taylor (2003), p. 286
  58. Jump up^ Taylor (2003), p. 287
  59. Jump up to:a b TU Delft Colonial influence remains strong in Indonesia
  60. Jump up^ Note: In 2010, according to University Ranking by Academic Performance (URAP),Universitas Indonesia was the best university in Indonesia.
  61. Jump up^ "URAP - University Ranking by Academic Performance".
  62. Jump up^ Vickers (2005), p. 15
  63. Jump up^ R.B. Cribb and A. Kahin, p. 108
  64. Jump up^ R.B. Cribb and A. Kahin, p. 140
  65. Jump up^ R.B. Cribb and A. Kahin, pp. 87, 295
  66. Jump up^ Harry J. Benda, S.L. van der Wal, "De Volksraad en de staatkundige ontwikkeling van Nederlandsch-Indië: The Peoples Council and the political development of the Netherlands-Indies." (With an introduction and survey of the documents in English). (Publisher: J.B. Wolters, Leiden, 1965.)
  67. Jump up^ Note: The European legal class was not solely based on race restrictions and included Dutch people, other Europeans, but also native Indo-Europeans, Indo-Chinese and indigenous people.
  68. Jump up to:a b "Virtueel Indi".
  69. Jump up^ Note: Adat law communities were formally established throughout the archipelago e.g.Minangkabau. See: Cribb, R.B., Kahin, p. 140
  70. Jump up^ http://alterisk.ru/lj/IndonesiaLegalOverview.pdf
  71. Jump up^ Note: The female 'Boeloe' prison in Semarang, which housed both European and indigenous women, had separate sleeping rooms with cots and mosquito nets for elite indigenous women and women in the European legal class. Sleeping on the floor like the female peasantry was considered an intolerable aggravation of the legal sanction. See: Baudet, H., Brugmans I.J. Balans van beleid. Terugblik op de laatste halve eeuw van Nederlands-Indië. (Publisher: Van Gorcum, Assen, 1984)
  72. Jump up^ Baudet, H., Brugmans I.J. Balans van beleid. Terugblik op de laatste halve eeuw van Nederlands-Indië. (Publisher: Van Gorcum, Assen, 1984) P.76, 121, 130
  73. Jump up^ Cribb, R.B., Kahin, pp. 140 & 405
  74. Jump up^ http://www.indonesianhistory.info/pages/chapter-4.html, sourced from Cribb, R. B (2010), Digital atlas of indonesian history, Nias, ISBN 978-87-91114-66-3 from the earlier volume Cribb, R. B; Nordic Institute of Asian Studies (2000), Historical atlas of Indonesia, Curzon ; Singapore : New Asian Library, ISBN 978-0-7007-0985-4
  75. Jump up^ Blakely, Allison (2001). Blacks in the Dutch World: The Evolution of Racial Imagery in a Modern Society. Indiana University Press. p. 15 ISBN 0-253-31191-8
  76. Jump up^ Cribb, R.B. (2004) ‘Historical dictionary of Indonesia.’ Scarecrow Press, Lanham, USA.ISBN 0 8108 4935 6, p. 221 [3]; [Note: The KNIL statistics of 1939 show at least 13,500 Javanese and Sundanese under arms compared to 4,000 Ambonese soldiers]. Source: Netherlands Ministry of Defense.
  77. Jump up^ Nicholas Tarling, ed. (1992). The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia: Volume 2, the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. Cambridge U.P. p. 104. ISBN 9780521355063.
  78. Jump up^ Groen, Petra (2012). "Colonial warfare and military ethics in the Netherlands East Indies, 1816–1941". Journal of Genocide Research 14 (3): 277–296.doi:10.1080/14623528.2012.719365.
  79. Jump up^ Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ (COMT, Leiden, 1994). Chapter I, P.32-33 ISBN 90-71042-44-8
  80. Jump up^ Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ (COMT, Leiden, 1994). Chapter I, P.32-36 ISBN 90-71042-44-8
  81. Jump up^ John Sydenham Furnivall, Colonial Policy and Practice: A Comparative Study of Burma and Netherlands India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1948), 236.
  82. Jump up^ Klemen, L (1999–2000). "Dutch East Indies 1941-1942". Dutch East Indies Campaign website.
  83. Jump up^ "Last Post – the End of Empire in the Far East", John Keay ISBN 0-7195-5589-2
  84. Jump up^ plechtigheden in Djakarta bij de opheffing van het KNIL Polygoon 1950 3 min. 20;embed=1 Video footage showing the official ceremony disbanding the KNIL
  85. Jump up^ John Keegan, page 314 "World Armies", ISBN 0-333-17236-1
  86. Jump up^ Taylor (2003), p. 288
  87. Jump up^ Sneddon, james (2003)The Indonesian language: its history and role in modern society.(UNSW Press, Sydney, 2003) P.87-89 [4]
  88. Jump up^ Taylor (2003), p. 289
  89. Jump up^ Groeneboer, Kees. Weg tot het Westen (Road to the West).Corn, Charles; Glasserman, Debbie (1999). The Scents of Eden: A History of the Spice Trade.Kodansha America. p. 203. ISBN 1-56836-249-8.
  90. Jump up^ Meijer, Hans (2004) In Indie geworteld. Publisher: Bert bakker. ISBN 90-351-2617-3. P.33, 35, 36, 76, 77, 371, 389 [5]
  91. Jump up^ Groeneboer, K (1993) Weg tot het westen. Het Nederlands voor Indie 1600–1950. Publisher: KITLEV, Leiden.[6]
  92. Jump up^ Maier, H.M.J. "A Hidden Language – Dutch in Indonesia". Institute of European Studies, University of California. Retrieved 16 August 2010.
  93. Jump up^ Nieuwenhuys (1999) pp. 126, 191, 225.
  94. Jump up^ Note: In December 1958 American Time magazine praised the translation of Maria Dermoût's The Ten Thousand Things, and named it one of the best books of the year, among several (other) iconic literary works of 1958: 'Breakfast at Tiffany´s' by Truman Capote, 'Doctor Zhivago' by Pasternak and 'Lolita' by Nabokov. See: Official Maria Dermout Website.
  95. Jump up^ 'International Conference on Colonial and Post-Colonial Connections in Dutch Literature.' University of California, Berkeley, Website, 2011. Retrieved: 24 September 2011
  96. Jump up^ Nieuwenhuys, Rob. ‘Oost-Indische spiegel. Wat Nederlandse schrijvers en dichters over Indonesië hebben geschreven vanaf de eerste jaren der Compagnie tot op heden.’, (Publisher: Querido, Amsterdam, 1978) p.555 [7]
  97. Jump up^ "Error".
  98. Jump up^ Biran 2009, p. 27.
  99. Jump up^ Biran 2009, p. 35.
  100. Jump up^ Biran 2009, p. 54.
  101. Jump up^ Biran 2009, pp. 61, 68.
  102. Jump up^ Biran 2009, p. 145.
  103. Jump up^ Biran 2009, pp. 319, 332.
  104. Jump up^ Biran 2009, pp. 334, 340.
  105. Jump up^ Biran 2009, pp. 367–370.
  106. Jump up^ Kahin 1952, p. 445.
  107. Jump up^ Heider (1991), p. 15
  108. Jump up^ Prayogo 2009, p. 14.
  109. Jump up^ Heider (1991), p. 14
  110. Jump up^ Biran 2009, p. 351.
  111. Jump up^ Geotravel Research Center. "The rise and fall of Indonesia's rice table".
  112. Jump up to:a b Karin Engelbrecht. "Dutch Food Influences - History of Dutch Food - Culinary Influences on the Dutch Kitchen"About.
  113. Jump up^ Schoppert (1997), pp. 38–39
  114. Jump up to:a b Dawson, B., Gillow, J., The Traditional Architecture of Indonesia, p. 8, 1994 Thames and Hudson Ltd, London, ISBN 0-500-34132-X
  115. Jump up^ W. Wangsadinata and T.K. Djajasudarma (1995). "Architectural Design Consideration for Modern Buildings in Indonesia" (PDF)INDOBEX Conf. on Building Construction Technology for the Future: Construction Technology for Highrises & Intelligence Buildings. Jakarta. Retrieved 18 January 2007.
  116. Jump up to:a b Schoppert (1997), pp. 72–77
  117. Jump up^ Schoppert (1997), pp. 104–105
  118. Jump up^ Schoppert (1997), pp. 102–105
  119. Jump up^ VIckers (2005), p. 24
  120. Jump up^ Schoppert (1997), p. 105
  121. Jump up^ To this day the Dutch Royal family is in fact the wealthiest family of the Netherlands, one of the foundations of its wealth was the colonial trade."In Pictures: The World's Richest Royals". Forbes.com. 30 August 2007. Retrieved 5 March 2010.
  122. Jump up^ Some of the university faculties still include: Indonesian Languages and Cultures; Southeast Asia and Oceania Languages and Cultures; Cultural Anthropology
  123. Jump up^ Note: 1927 garden party, at the country estate Arendsdorp on the Wassenaarse wegnear The Hague, for the benefit of the victims of the storm disaster of 2 June 1927 in the Netherlands. The market is opened by the minister of Colonies dr. J.C. Koningsberger.
  124. Jump up^ Nieuwenhuys, Robert, (1973) Tempo doeloe : fotografische documenten uit het oude Indie, 1870–1914 [door] E. Breton de Nijs (pseud. of Robert Nieuwenhuys) Amsterdam : Querido, ISBN 90-214-1103-2 – noting that the era wasn't fixed by any dates – noting the use of Tio, Tek Hong,(2006) Keadaan Jakarta tempo doeloe : sebuah kenangan 1882–1959 Depok : Masup Jakarta ISBN 979-25-7291-0
  125. Jump up^ Nieuwenhuys (1999)
  126. Jump up^ Etty, Elsbeth literary editor for the NRC handelsblad "Novels: Coming to terms with Calvinism, colonies and the war." (NRC Handelsblad. July 1998) [8]
  127. Jump up^ Bosma U., Raben R. Being "Dutch" in the Indies: a history of creolisation and empire, 1500–1920 (University of Michigan, NUS Press, 2008), ISBN 9971-69-373-9 [9]
  128. Jump up^ Willems, Wim, ’De uittocht uit Indie 1945–1995’ (Publisher: Bert Bakker, Amsterdam, 2001) pp.12–13 ISBN 90-351-2361-1
  129. Jump up^ Official CBS website containing all Dutch demographic statistics.
  130. Jump up^ De Vries, Marlene. Indisch is een gevoel, de tweede en derde generatie Indische Nederlanders. (Amsterdam University Press, 2009) ISBN 978-90-8964-125-0 [10] [11]P.369
  131. Jump up^ Startpagina B.V. "Indisch-eten Startpagina, verzameling van interessante links".


  • Biran, Misbach Yusa (2009). Sejarah Film 1900–1950: Bikin Film di Jawa [History of Film 1900–1950: Making Films in Java] (in Indonesian). Jakarta: Komunitas Bamboo working with the Jakarta Art Council. ISBN 978-979-3731-58-2.
  • Cribb, R.B., Kahin, A. Historical dictionary of Indonesia (Scarecrow Press, 2004)
  • Dick, Howard, et al. The Emergence of a National Economy: An Economic History of Indonesia, 1800-2000 (U. of Hawaii Press, 2002) online edition
  • Friend, T. (2003). Indonesian Destinies. Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-01137-6.
  • Heider, Karl G (1991). Indonesian Cinema: National Culture on Screen. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. ISBN 978-0-8248-1367-3.
  • Reid, Anthony (1974). The Indonesian National Revolution 1945–1950. Melbourne: Longman Pty Ltd. ISBN 0-582-71046-4.
  • Nieuwenhuys, Rob Mirror of the Indies: A History of Dutch Colonial Literature - translated from Dutch by E. M. Beekman (Publisher: Periplus, 1999) Google Books
  • Prayogo, Wisnu Agung (2009). "Sekilas Perkembangan Perfilman di Indonesia" [An Overview of the Development of Film in Indonesia]. Kebijakan Pemerintahan Orde Baru Terhadap Perfilman Indonesia Tahun 1966–1980 [New Order Policy Towards Indonesian Films (1966–1980)] (Bachelour's of History Thesis) (in Indonesian). University of Indonesia.
  • Ricklefs, M.C. (1991). A Modern History of Indonesia, 2nd edition. MacMillan. chapters 10–15. ISBN 0-333-57690-X.
  • Taylor, Jean Gelman (2003). Indonesia: Peoples and Histories. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-10518-5.
  • Vickers, Adrian (2005). A History of Modern Indonesia. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-54262-6.

Further reading[edit]

  • Booth, Anne, et al. Indonesian Economic History in the Dutch Colonial Era (1990)
  • Bosma U., Raben R. Being "Dutch" in the Indies: a history of creolisation and empire, 1500–1920 (University of Michigan, NUS Press, 2008), ISBN 9971-69-373-9 [12]
  • Bosma, Ulbe. Emigration: Colonial circuits between Europe and Asia in the 19th and early 20th centuryEuropean History Online, Mainz: Institute of European History, 2011, retrieved: 23 May 2011.
  • Colombijn, Freek, and Thomas Lindblad, eds. Roots of violence in Indonesia: Contemporary violence in historical perspective (Leiden: KITLV Press, 2002)
  • Dick, Howard, et al. The Emergence of a National Economy: An Economic History of Indonesia, 1800-2000 (U. of Hawaii Press, 2002) online edition
  • Elson, Robert. The idea of Indonesia: A history (Cambridge University Press, 2008)
  • Braudel, FernandThe perspective of the World, vol III in Civilization and Capitalism, 1984
  • Furnivall, J. S. (1944). Netherlands India: A Study of Plural Economy. Cambridge U.P. p. viii. ISBN 9781108011273., comprehensive coverage
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